What to expect from the Commission's new economics team

Will France's Moscovici (left) be effectively shackled by
Finland's Katainen (centre) and Latvia's Dombrovskis (right)?

The new European Commission (EC) also sees the overhaul of its approach to the Eurozone. While Pierre Moscovici holds the Economic and Financial Affairs post (essentially Olli Rehn’s successor), he will be overseen by the Vice Presidents (VPs) for Jobs, Growth, Investment and Competitiveness and the Euro and Social Dialogue – Jyrki Katainen and Valdis Dombrovskis respectively.

An edge has been added to all this with quick German criticism of the decision to give former French Finance Minister Moscovici such a prominent economic post.

We have already pointed out in our full response to the new Commission that, contrary to popular belief (at least in some quarters in Germany), this does not necessarily change much – a lot of Eurozone rules are already set in stone. However, it is important to delve a bit more into who has what powers or controls which areas?

Katainen’s key responsibilities:

• Helping bring together an investment package to mobilise €300bn in additional public and private investment via the European Investment Bank within the next three months – expected to be discussed at tomorrow’s eurogroup meeting and unveiled soon.
• Coordinating the mid-term review of Europe 2020 strategy and long-term EU budget.
• Pushing economic policy coordination in line with view of “social market economy” while also pursuing a strong structural reform agenda.

Dombrovskis:

• Steering the ongoing reform of the Economic and Monetary Union and, importantly, in charge of pursuing the work of the four Presidents' report on creating a 'deep and genuine' EMU. This suggests he will play a significant role in the bid to create a sounder eurozone and finding a way to marry the existing currency union with greater political union. It's important to note that this will bring him into regular contact with Lord Hill who is responsible for banking union in the new Commission - exactly how the financial stability aspect and the eurozone prosperity aspect will fit together here will be interesting to watch.
• Formal oversight of the European semester – the mechanism through which budget rules are enforced in the eurozone. Also tasked with reviewing the mechanisms for achieving structural reform.

Moscovici:

• As might be expected there is significant overlap with those above. He has also been tasked with handling the European semester. It is expected he will handle the day to day evaluation and, in cooperation with others, will sign off on national budgets and reform plans.
• The language around the Stability and Growth Pact is also in line with previous thinking, tasking Moscovici with making “best possible use of the flexibility that is built into” the rules.
• The focus of this role seems to be on the macroeconomics and fiscal coordination of the eurozone. With that in mind, its expected Moscovici will attend eurogroup meetings on behalf of the Commission.

Overall then, while France may have got what it wished for, Moscovici looks firmly shackled to two fiscal conservatives. None of his tasks relating to the Eurozone are separated from these two VPs. More broadly, as the FT has pointed out, Moscovici (a French socialist) is also severely ideologically outnumbered not only within the broader Commission but specifically in the economic and financial posts.

Furthermore, the language used in the text of the letters remains quite Germanic and in line with the thinking of the current Commission:

“Combining growth-friendly fiscal consolidation, structural reforms and targeted support to investment will be key to a sustainable and strong recovery.”

“Sustainable growth cannot be built on ever-growing mountains of debt. We also know well that it is mainly companies that create jobs, not governments or EU institutions.”

There are also numerous mentions of “sound public finances” and the “social market economy” both core elements of the prevailing German economic thinking.

What to expect from the new Commission in terms of eurozone economic policy?

Finally, there are a couple of hints of what key proposals may be coming in the future. We have already mentioned the reference to a new investment package and the desire to push ahead with reviewing the current surveillance system. A further development seems to be for all those involved to try to engage a “broader range of actors at national level”, make the measures taken to improve the Eurozone more “socially legitimate” and find a more democratic alternative to the EU/IMF/ECB Troika. This suggests fostering national support for the likely continuation of significant structural reform and fiscal consolidation will be a key task for these Commissioners.

With that in mind, there is one final interesting line which is found in both Moscovici’s and Dombrovskis’ letter, they are tasked with forming:

“Proposals to encourage further structural reforms, possibly supported by financial incentives and a targeted fiscal capacity at Euro zone level”

This sounds eerily like a revival of the reform contracts, which Germany has been pushing for some time. The idea has been gaining ground once again after ECB President Mario Draghi suggested that structural reform should have similar oversight to that currently seen for national budgets. The latter part is also interesting, albeit very cryptic and vague. It could refer to the creation of a eurozone budget, possibly focused on tackling unemployment and related costs. Equally, it could refer to something along the lines of a wider assessment of the eurozone’s fiscal capacity and using it where there is scope to do so – meaning some kind of fiscal expansion in Germany (and other strong states) to offset fiscal contraction elsewhere.

Expect movement on these issues in coming months.

Has the ECB backed German ‘reform contracts’ for the eurozone?

In a speech in London yesterday, ECB President Mario Draghi issued a call for new eurozone rules on structural reform. He discussed it at length in the speech, but the ECB’s summary captures the key points:

The governance of structural reforms deserves as much attention as enforcing fiscal rules and should be done at the euro area level.

Structural reforms need strong domestic ownership since they reach deeply into societal arrangements. But at the same time, the example of the International Monetary Fund shows that there is a convincing case to be made for a supranational body that makes it easier to frame national debates on reform. This can shift the debate from whether to how to implement reforms, Mr Draghi argues.

The outcome of structural reforms – a higher level of productivity and competitiveness – is not merely in a country’s own interest, but in the interest of the monetary union as a whole. 

In the euro area, there is therefore a case for establishing rules on structural reform at the EU-level. While a lack of reform can threaten cohesion of the union, the recovery shows us how decisive reform can strengthen it.

Despite the lack of specific details, this has rightly evoked comparisons to the German proposals for ‘reform contracts’, which were strongly pushed last autumn and which we discussed in detail here. There are lots of overlapping ideas, including the concept that eurozone rules will help encourage ownership of reforms rather than discourage it, and that this is a logical supplement to the existing European Semester.

We have always expected the reform contracts to make a comeback in some form or another, not least given Germany's strong support for the concept, and there are other reasons to think that they may gain some further traction this time around.

While the peripheral countries have previously objected to such sovereignty transfers, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has been vocally touting the idea that countries should be directly rewarded for reform efforts. The details might differ, but conceptually he has moved closer to the Germans on this point.

There is no doubt the reform contracts will remain a hard political sell, but with the ECB’s backing and the growing desire for a proper negotiation and discussion around the eurozone's fiscal rules, as well as the broader approach to economic reform, now could be the time for the idea to make a comeback in one form or another.

EXCLUSIVE: First translation of draft German Grand Coalition agreement

We have seen a first draft of the German coalition government agreement (the final agreement is expected tomorrow), courtesy of Green politician Malte Spitz who published the draft on his blog late yesterday evening.

The German media has begun delving into the document while the English speaking press continues to lag behind.

The document contains some key insights about how the new government will view Europe and conduct its EU policy, below we pick out the most important parts:

Overall vision of the EU
The agreement stresses that German must become an official working language of the EU alongside French and English – not entirely surprising given that it was a CDU/CSU electoral pledge, but it highlights that Germany is slowly becoming more comfortable with its role in Europe.

There is also a strong emphasis on “subsidiarity” and that the EU must only act where action on other levels is not sufficient. It also highlights that Germany is keen to deepen ties with Poland and maintain the “unique” Franco-German partnership. This may not mean much, but it definitely isn't a nod to David Cameron.

In terms of democratic legitimacy, the agreement calls for a "strong role" for the European Parliament and "close involvement" of national parliaments  in the decision making process. It also calls for a standard minimum threshold for the allocation of seats under European elections and a "single European suffrage" to add to stable majorities at the European Parliament. The final point here is the call for a "stringent and efficient" set of Commissioners - possibly a hint towards reducing the number of Commissioners and focusing them on policy areas rather than allowing one for each member.  

Eurozone crisis
The agreement contains few details on the new government’s approach to the banking union and specifically the resolution funds – given that this is known to be a part of the negotiations it is surprising nothing has been included, maybe a sign that an agreement has been hard to come by.

The document also contains a rare admission from Germany that the causes of the crisis are "varied" and extend well beyond fiscal profligacy. Specifically to "competitiveness", "imbalances" and "design defects" in the EMU which led to problems in the financial markets.

As for the way out of the crisis - as we predicted - much more of the same can be expected:

“[The eurozone must] combine structural reforms to increase competitiveness, and a strict, sustained continuation of budget consolidation for increased competitiveness with future investment in growth that combines employment in socially-balanced way.”

Again as we pointed out in our pre-election briefing, the widely mooted ‘Reform Contracts’ are likely to be a key tool in enforcing these changes. In particular, the contracts will be democratically grounded and enforceable (although the exact mechanism for this is still unclear):

“We are committed to ensuring that the euro countries agree on democratically- legitimised binding and enforceable contractual reform agreements on the European level. [These reform contracts] will be directed to achieving the goals of competitiveness, sound and sustainable finances, growth and employment.”

Any form of debt pooling is strictly ruled out, as we predicted in our pre-election briefing:

“The principle that each Member State is liable for its own obligations must be upheld. Any form of pooling of sovereign debt would jeopardise the necessary national policies in each Member State. National budget responsibility and supranational, joint liability are not compatible.”

The new coalition will not rule out further bailouts and will consider them but “only as a last resort” when the “stability of the eurozone as a whole is at risk”. Importantly, the agreement reiterates that any use of the ESM, the eurozone bailout fund, needs “approval of the Bundestag”.

The City of London may also have some grounds for concern, given that the document hints at more action on financial sector regulation, saying:

 “The financial markets must be involved in the costs of the crisis, and must be guided back to their function as serving the Real-economy.”

Remember, this is only a draft. Nonetheless, the agreement looks to be very much as expected – no change of course on the eurozone, some mention of limiting EU power but a continued commitment to the EU and Europe. The draft however, remains vague on some key details. With important negotiations coming up on the eurozone banking union as well as in terms of the future of the EU, the new German government will have to flesh out its position significantly.

Eurozone reform contracts take shape - and they include "fiscal transfers"

As we have predicted numerous times - as recently as in our previous blog post - ‘reform contracts’ in the eurozone could well become the next thing. As a recap, these are agreements where one country commits to a series of structural reforms in exchange for low cost loans, or other form of help, to aid its economy. As we argued back in September - when it was unclear whether the idea would make a comeback - it's one of the  politically more feasible options for Germany as it involves more control and less cash.

@michaelsteen Tricky one. Merkel seems to float reform contracts in this recent interview: http://t.co/rToOm65l9a @SpiegelPeter
— Mats Persson (@matsJpersson) September 16, 2013

@michaelsteen @SpiegelPeter In theory more politically feasible for Berlin than other options, as it involves more control and less cash
— Mats Persson (@matsJpersson) September 16, 2013

Well, Reuters have now got their hands on the latest draft of the plans for these contracts and have published them in full here. The idea now seems to be firmly on the agenda, which is not the same to say it'll actually happen.

Below are the key points of the plans:

• The contracts are seen as a supplementary part of the ‘European Semester’ – the new system of economic governance. They will build on tools such as the macroeconomic surveillance and budgetary oversight, which we have already covered in detail. The contracts are targeted at those countries not making adjustments under the other procedures.

• They are designed to promote “ownership” of reform and “home grown” policies (which lines up with Merkel's comments from yesterday). There is, of course, a tension here, given that by definition they are part of a system of increasing economic oversight and some would say a loss of control of economic policy. As Eurogroup Chief Jeroen Dijsselbloem suggested yesterday, if these countries aren’t pushing these reforms, slightly cheaper loans are unlikely to be the deciding factors in pushing them to do so.

• Further to the above point, the text does stress that the policies will be drawn up by the domestic authorities and will be renegotiable (unlike the bailouts or other parts of the governance system which are more set in stone).That said, they will come with significant “monitoring” – which, to us, evokes the feeling of the EU/IMF/ECB Troika trips to bailout countries.

• The loans will involve “limited fiscal transfers across countries”, the large majority of which would come through the lower interest rate on loans compared to the borrowing countries usual market rate. The open admittance of fiscal transfers has slipped into the draft, this sort of open admission is rare in the eurozone crisis, but given that the contracts are an explicit trade off, it is not entirely surprising (again, as we've argued).

• “The specific amount of financing would not be linked to the direct cost of reforms”. Instead it will be used more generally as an incentive to reform and aid any parts of the economy that need it or to help relieve funding pressure generally. This makes some sense since simply ‘paying’ for reforms seems rather circular and dictatorial. However, making sure the level of reform demanded matches up to the loan size will be very tricky.

So this is something that could fly with the Germans, politically, but how much difference will that make in practice? There are already numerous platforms for reform – bailout programmes, precautionary credit lines, macroeconomic surveillance and budgetary oversight (as well as good old political pressure).

In the end it all comes down to the money. How much will be available and at what price? These questions are yet to be answered, but as with much in the crisis, the likelihood of a muddy compromise looms large.

A hint as to what a eurozone grand bargain could look like?

German coalition talks are dragging on, but we may have got a hint as to what a grand bargain between the eurozone north and south might look like, with German Chancellor Angela Merkel again appearing to open up for an EU Treaty change.

She told a Süddeutsche Zeitung leadership conference,

"Germany is ready to develop the treaties still further. At the very least we have to be ready to improve the euro protocol of the Lisbon Treaty – which only applies to euro states – to allow an institutional co-operation via the so-called community method and not to only be active at intergovernmental level."

She proposed a "new co-operation" between the European Commission and member states, with the policy recommendations being the result of negotiations.

She added,

"In this way we create a sense of ownership, a sense of responsibility is created among member states to implement necessary change. That's what I understand by economic co-ordination."

As we've argued before, it's easy to get sustained whiplash injuries from tracking the German position on EU treaty change, but this (again) sounds like 'reform contracts' or 'competitiveness pacts' to us - which we have long argued would come back on the agenda - with the European Commission acting as the 'structural reform police'.

Meanwhile, in an interview with Les Echos and other European papers, Eurogroup Chairman Jeroen Dijsselbloem also had some interesting things to say: 

"If a country is not persuaded that it’s in its own interest to reform and modernise, it cannot be motivated from outside. It doesn’t seem wise to me to propose a ‘reward’ in return for a reform. Instead, I think one should link the concession of additional time to correct budget deficits to stricter conditions in terms of reform. I give you more time if you speed [reforms] up. The European Commission may, if a country fails to do so, demand more on budget [adjustment]."

A lot to play for...