Podemos gears up for next year's Spanish elections with revamped economic plan

Pablo Iglesias with economists Navarro (right) and Torres López (left)  

With the next general election only one year away, Spain's anti-establishment party Podemos last week unveiled a revamped package of economic proposals written for them by Spanish economists Vicenç Navarro and Juan Torres López (in the picture with Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias), and called, 'An economic project for the people'. We went through the 68-page document and pulled out the most interesting bits.

WHAT'S IN THE PLAN?

The euro: a "mouse trap" in need of an overhaul

The document describes the euro in its current form as "a real mouse trap", arguing that "it is materially impossible to pursue policies that satisfy the national interest" within the existing framework. However, as we previously noted on this blog, Podemos stops short of calling for Spain to leave the single currency. Instead, the document says,

"It is fundamental that the Spanish government promotes and achieves as soon as possible strategic agreements with [the governments] of other European countries to change the current conditions of governance of the euro."

So what are the changes Podemos is looking for? The document lists a few:

• "Flexibilisation" of the EU's Stability and Growth Pact (EU fiscal rules) - although no further details are provided as to what this would involve in practice.

• "Change the rules that prevent the ECB from financing governments", while establishing a number of conditions under which this can be done. 

• Amend the ECB's statute to include "full employment" among its policy targets.

• Make the ECB accountable to the European Parliament, which should also be in charge of appointing ECB members.

• "Create mechanisms that guarantee the pooling of debt and the effective supervision of the financial system at the European level".

• Scrap the balanced budget rule from the Spanish Constitution - which is basically tantamount to rejecting the EU's 'fiscal compact' on budgetary discipline.

• Achieve real coordination of economic policies in the Eurozone.

Debt restructuring: a matter of when, not if

The document presents an "orderly restructuring" of Spanish debt as the only real way to revive the country's economy. It reads,

"In Spain as in [the rest of] Europe, there is no way to achieve sufficient [economic] recovery unless debt decreases, and debt cannot decrease unless the recovery materialises. The only way out of this vicious circle is an as orderly as possible restructuring of European and Spanish debt. Therefore, the question is not whether one wishes to implement it or not, but rather in what conditions it will happen, because it is materially inevitable that it is implemented sooner or later." 

Other economic measures 

The document contains a number of other economic measures to be adopted at the national level, some of which could have a significant impact:

• Raise the statutory minimum wage.

• Scrap the labour market reform passed by Mariano Rajoy's centre-right government.

• Legally enshrine a 35-hour working week.

• Bring the legal retirement age back to 65 years - although with some flexibility depending on the nature of the job.

• Increase public spending and challenge "the false idea that in Spain there is an excess of public resources, too many civil servants or public sector employees in the administration, and excessive spending on public goods and services". 

On the revenue side of public finances, Podemos seems to primarily focus its attention on stepping up the fight against tax evasion and increasing wealth taxation - although the document does mention the need to avoid "any type of unnecessary [public] spending", thereby making budget savings.

WHAT'S NOT IN THE PLAN?

Compared to the European election manifesto of Podemos, which we analysed here, there are at least two big changes:

• The idea of a 'basic universal income' for every citizen has been dropped. According to the party's own estimates, the measure would have cost the Spanish government some €145 billion - roughly 14.5% of Spanish GDP. Instead, the new document proposes "emergency plans" to help people at risk of social exclusion.

• The proposal to hold a 'citizens' audit' of Spanish public debt, potentially leading to a selective default, is also no longer there - and has been replaced by the call for debt restructuring.

HOW HAVE THE TWO MAIN TRADITIONAL PARTIES REACTED TO THE PLAN?

The day after Podemos unveiled its new economic plan, Spanish Economy Minister Luis de Guindos was asked about it at a press conference. All he said was, "I don't think anyone wants to go back to the [economic] situation we were in three years ago". 

As regards the Socialist Party, the new leader Pedro Sánchez said, "I'd like [Podemos] to be consistent and not to fall into ideological opportunism", and stressed that Podemos was already "reneging" on some of the proposals included in its European election manifesto (as we noted above). Sánchez also said he's against the 35-hour working week.

OPEN EUROPE'S TAKE

It is very interesting how Podemos has ditched at least two of its most radical economic proposals. With a view to next year's general election, the move is most certainly aimed at winning over undecided/disappointed voters from the centre of the political spectrum, while also preempting criticism from the two mainstream parties - the ruling centre-right Partido Popular and the Socialist Party - that Podemos is telling fairy-tales to the Spanish electorate because it is pursuing unrealistic policies.

For the rest, this revamped economic plan seems to fit perfectly with our description of Podemos as a 'shadow eurosceptic' party: it doesn't openly call for Spain to leave the euro, but many of its proposals are incompatible with Eurozone membership under current terms.

Interestingly, many of the proposals actually involve transferring more power and sovereignty to Europe, even over sensitive fiscal issues. The scrutiny this is put under in Spain will be important. It is also not clear exactly how power would be pooled and managed at the Eurozone level under the proposals of Podemos.

In the meantime, it is undeniable that the extraordinary rise of the party led by Pablo Iglesias has already made an impact on the Spanish political debate. To mention but two examples:

• The Socialist Party has toughened up its anti-austerity rhetoric. The party's new leader, Pedro Sánchez, has himself proposed scrapping the balanced budget rule from the Spanish Constitution - despite voting for it back in 2011.

• Yesterday, for the first time, the deputy leader of Partido Popular María Dolores de Cospedal admitted in a TV interview that her party would "consider" forming an unprecedented grand coalition with the Socialist Party if it failed to win an absolute majority in next year's elections. This may well be a sign of concern that a left-wing coalition between Podemos and the Socialist Party could force Partido Popular out of power.

Everything seems to suggest Spain will be one of the Eurozone countries to watch next year. 

The Podemos Express: What lies behind the extraordinary rise of Spain's new protest party?

The extraordinary rise of Podemos, Spain's eight-month-old protest party, continues. A new Metroscopia poll for El País, released on Sunday, showed that the party would win a Spanish general election, if held today, with 27.7% of votes. The Socialist Party would finish second on 26.2%, followed by Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's Partido Popular on 20.2% – less than half the 44.6% the party won in the November 2011 general election.

This is unbelievable stuff, but what lies behind the instant success of Podemos? 

As with all protest parties, there are a number of inter-related, mutually re-reinforcing causes: 

New media: Can establish and multiply protest movements in a heart beat. Italy's Five Star Movement is a well-know example. Podemos, too, has fed off this.

Corruption scandals: There have been a series of pretty big ones in Spain over the past two years (see this blog post we wrote last year, for instance). That said, though, Spanish politics have struggled with flaky politicians for some time, so this in itself doesn't answer the 'Why now?' question. 

Loss of trust in mainstream parties: This is the same story as virtually everywhere in Europe. In the Metroscopia poll we mentioned above, 42% of respondents said they were inclined to vote for Podemos because of "a feeling of disappointment and disillusionment with the other parties". 

"They're all the same": Related to the above, and especially during the post-crisis years, many Spanish voters don't see much difference between Partido Popular and the Socialist Party. Again, though, Spain has been a two-party, 'centripetal' system for quite some time, so why is it that voters turn against mainstream politicians now? 

EU-mandated austerity: This is a big part of the story, which reinforces the above point. Partido Popular and the Socialist Party are broadly seen by the Spanish electorate as implementing the same set of austerity policies. Remember, the first substantial austerity package during the Eurozone crisis in Spain was passed by the Socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in May 2010. 

Podemos: a 'shadow eurosceptic' party

Podemos certainly doesn't describe itself as 'eurosceptic', and it's not 'eurosceptic' in the northern European sense. Both the party and the Spanish public as a whole remain committed to the Euro. According to the European Commission's latest Eurobarometer survey, 56% of Spaniards think the Euro is "a good thing" for their country – up from 53% last year – compared to 34% who think it is "a bad thing".   

But just as with SYRIZA in Greece, a big part of the Podemos package is predicated on opposition to policies which are, in one way or another, driven by Spain's Eurozone membership – most importantly fiscal consolidation and internal devaluation.

In other words, Podemos could be described as a 'shadow eurosceptic' party.

Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias did say in a recent interview:

"The [Spanish] Socialists should acknowledge that they got it wrong with [the] Maastricht [Treaty]. They got it wrong by letting Spain be turned into a colony of northern European countries."  

Per implication, this means envisaging a Euro without the Maastricht criteria. Similarly, some of the main policy proposals of Podemos seem to be outright incompatible with Eurozone membership. For example, the party's flagship proposal is a "basic income for each and every citizen, for the mere fact of being citizens". According to the party's own estimates, the measure would cost the Spanish government €145 billion – roughly 14.5% of Spanish GDP. That would bust every EU budget rule on the books. 

Other proposals, such as more "democratic and parliamentary control" over the ECB, won't happen as long as Germany is around. 

Therefore, to a certain extent, Podemos offers voters a 'false choice': Euro membership with far-left spending policies. Interestingly, the firebrand anti-austerity talk of Podemos is already having a knock-on effect. Under the leadership of Pedro Sánchez, the Socialist Party has also stepped up its anti-austerity rhetoric. We will see if this will have an impact on upcoming opinion polls.

In our 2012 report looking at internal devaluation in the Eurozone periphery, we noted: 

"The history of the Baltic states – and to some extent Ireland – shows that large scale internal devaluation is fully possible in certain circumstances. But, against a backdrop of plummeting real GDP, internal devaluation also produces a politically explosive combination of falling wages and rising unemployment – all leading to a reversal in living standards. This is the Eurozone's great curse: do what's economically necessary but risk massive political and social fallout."

The rise of Podemos shows just how real that risk still is.

No Podemos parar: Spain's six-month-old protest party comes second in new opinion poll

On this blog, we have been tracking Podemos, Spain's six-month-old anti-establishment party, since its very first success in the European Parliament elections in May - when the party came from nowhere to secure five MEPs (see here and here).

The rise of Podemos has continued since. According to a new poll released by Tele Cinco yesterday, the party led by Pablo Iglesias would finish second in a general election with 24.1% of votes - behind Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's Partido Popular (on 28.3%) but ahead of the Socialist Party (on 23.7%).

Podemos was only officially registered as a political party in March and is already polling as Spain's second most popular party. This is absolutely extraordinary in itself, but this second graph is even more interesting:

Essentially, this poll suggests we may be looking at the following two post-election scenarios:

• A strongly anti-austerity left-wing coalition including the Socialist Party, Podemos and the United Left (53% of votes in total in this specific poll).

• An unusual 'grand coalition' between the centre-right Partido Popular and the Socialist Party, an option which we discussed here.

The new Socialist leader Pedro Sánchez has so far ruled out joining forces with either Partido Popular or Podemos, but the next Spanish general election is still a year away - so things may well change. Opinion polls can certainly be wrong, but as we noted in our previous blog posts, the steady rise of Podemos should not necessarily come as a surprise. There was a gap in the market, so to say. Spain, the country that had given birth to the indignados movement, had no real anti-establishment party.

Now that Podemos has entered stage and is consistently polling well, traditional parties may be forced to engage with its arguments. At the same time, we would expect Podemos to come under greater scrutiny and pressure as Spaniards begin to contemplate its role as an opposition party or even as a member of a governing coalition.

One thing Spain's mainstream political forces should keep in mind is that, as Italy's Five Star Movement showed last year, simply ignoring a protest party and hoping it will go away can often backfire.

Headlines are all for AfD and UKIP, but the biggest shocker for traditional parties may come from Spain...

The surge of anti-EU, anti-euro and protest parties across Europe continues. Germany's anti-euro Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is making headlines after winning 9.7% of votes in yesterday's regional elections in Saxony and securing its first ever seats in one of the country's regional parliaments.

In the UK, a Survation poll for the Mail on Sunday found that, following the defection of Douglas Carswell from the Conservatives to UKIP last week, UKIP is set to win the ensuing Clacton by-election with 64% of the vote - which would grant Nigel Farage's party its first elected MP.

However, the biggest shocker for mainstream parties seems to be coming from Spain. According to a new Sigma Dos poll for El Mundo, the anti-establishment (but not anti-EU) party Podemos would finish third in a general election with 21.2% of votes - only 1.1% less than the opposition Socialist Party. Being neck-and-neck with one of Spain's two traditional parties is an absolutely extraordinary result for Podemos, given that it was founded in March. The poll puts Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's centre-right Partido Popular in the lead on 30.1% - a 14.5% fall from the 44.6% the party scored at the November 2011 general election (click on the picture to enlarge).

 
If you didn't read it at the time, here is a portrait of Podemos and its leader, Pablo Iglesias, that we published in the aftermath of the European Parliament elections in May - when Podemos came from nowhere to win five seats in Strasbourg. We noted:

Call it left-wing, anti-establishment, anti-austerity (but clearly not anti-EU), the rise of Podemos is significant because - similar to what the Five-Star Movement has done in Italy - it can give Spaniards a channel through which they can voice their dissatisfaction with the political establishment (and the current eurozone economic policies), something which has been lacking at the peak of the eurozone crisis.

Indeed, looking at the latest polls, Podemos seems to be following exactly the same trajectory as Beppe Grillo's Five-Star Movement in terms of rocketing (potential) electoral support. And exactly as in Italy, the rise of a strong anti-establishment party may well force the centre-right Partido Popular and the Socialists to consider an unusual (and uncomfortable) 'grand coalition' if none of the two big traditional parties wins a majority in the next general election - due in November 2015.

While the speed of the rise of Podemos is certainly surprising, there has undoubtedly been a huge gap in the market for a protest party in Spain over the past few years - as we noted on this blog at the end of May. Despite sky-high unemployment, a struggling economy, a few political scandals and regional discontent, no party or movement had so far managed to shake the solid support for the two mainstream parties. But since Podemos entered stage, things seems to have changed. With a Catalan independence referendum potentially coming up in November and thoughts turning towards next year's general election, these are certainly interesting times in Spanish politics.

Meet Podemos, the great newcomer of the European elections

The European Parliament elections have dealt a blow to Spain's traditional two-party system. Together, Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's Partido Popular (PP) and the opposition Socialist Party (PSOE) won 49% of votes. In 2009, their combined score was 80.9%. No wonder Socialist leader Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba has decided to step down following his party's poor showing.

But the big story coming out of Spanish ballot boxes is the success of Podemos (We Can), a new left-wing, anti-austerity movement that came from nowhere to become Spain's fourth largest party and win five seats in the new European Parliament.

And 'nowhere' really means 'nowhere' in this case. Podemos was officially registered as a political party in March 2014 - which makes its performance extraordinary. Its leader, 35-year-old Pablo Iglesias (see picture), is a Political Science professor but also a bit of a TV star in Spain. Interestingly, his parents called him Pablo so their son could bear the same name as Pablo Iglesias, the founder of the Spanish Socialist Party.

Factoids apart, we have been flicking through Podemos's European elections manifesto. The following bits give a good feel for what Podemos stands for in a number of policy areas:

• "Citizens' audit of public and private debt to find out what parts of it can be considered as illegitimate...and declare that those won't be paid back."

• "Creation of democratic and parliamentary control mechanisms for the European Central Bank...Creation of a European public credit rating agency."

• "Regain public control over strategic sectors of the economy: telecommunications, energy, food, transport, health, pharmaceutical and education."

• "Budgetary support for and increased development of public R&D centres, in order to favour the return of Spanish researchers and scientists from abroad."

• "Right to a basic income for each and every citizen, for the mere fact of being citizens" - which sounds a lot like the 'citizenship wage' advocated by the Five-Star Movement in Italy.

• "A moratorium on mortgage arrears for the first houses of families with difficulties in paying their loans back."

• "Increase the EU's social budget, and establish a levy on capital movements within its boundaries" - which basically means saying adiós to free movement of capital. Podemos also calls for a "bigger levy" on movements of capital from the EU to third countries.

• "Establishment of trade agreements among small producers in Southern European countries. Development of specific cooperation mechanisms among Southern European countries." On the other hand, Podemos wants to "abandon" negotiations over the EU-US free trade agreement (TTIP), and calls for a "substantial revision" of the existing EU-Latin America free trade deals.

• "A derogation from the Lisbon Treaty so that public services are exempted from the competition principle." 

• "Stop the use of Memoranda of Understanding" - which set out the conditions attached to EU-IMF bailout loans to struggling eurozone countries.

Call it left-wing, anti-establishment, anti-austerity (but clearly not anti-EU), the rise of Podemos is significant because - similar to what the Five-Star Movement has done in Italy - it can give Spaniards a channel through which they can voice their dissatisfaction with the political establishment (and the current eurozone economic policies), something which has been lacking at the peak of the eurozone crisis.

In an interview with today's El Mundo, Pablo Iglesias has refused to reveal whether he and his movement will stand in next year's Spanish general election. For now, though, it seems Beppe Grillo may just have found someone to work with in the new European Parliament.