Meet the new Belgian Finance Minister, an ally on EU reform

Good news for EU reform keeps coming from Belgium. After the publication of the new coalition agreement, which we've analysed here, it has today been announced that Johan Van Overtveldt will be the country's new Finance Minister. A former editor-in-chief of Belgian business magazine Trends, he was elected to the European Parliament in May with the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) - Belgium's biggest political party and a member of the UK Conservatives' ECR group.

Van Overtveldt's pro-EU reform credentials are beyond doubt.

Last month, he said in an interview that he wanted "no political union" (see the headline in the picture), and added:

"We need a more social Europe, but first the monetary union should be anchored on a healthy basis. When national economies perform better economically, countries will start taking initiatives which go in a social direction anyway...A uniform European minimum wage, for example, is complete non-sense. It would at least need to differ for each country. A minimum wage is a sovereign competence of member states."

Furthermore, the new Belgian Finance Minister is a strong supporter of a 'capital markets union' - a key item on the agenda of the new EU Financial Services Commissioner, the UK's Lord Hill.

An expert in monetary economics (and a personal acquaintance of the late Nobel Prize winning economist Milton Friedman), Van Overtveldt also has an interesting take on the future of the Eurozone. In 2011, for instance, Open Europe hosted the launch of his book, 'The end of the Euro'. On that occasion, Van Overtveldt said he had "always been a doubter" of the sustainability of the single currency, and added:  

"The only solution for Greece is to leave the euro...in order to save itself and its democracy."

That said, Van Overtveldt has made clear that, despite his scepticism on whether the single currency may ultimately survive, he supports the efforts to keep the eurozone together. The new Belgian Finance Minister is in favour of "more economic powers for Europe", but opposes Eurobonds or fiscal transfers. This sounds very close to Germany's stance.

On banking union, Van Overtveldt wrote in April:

"The single resolution mechanism is too complex and takes too much time in order to be able to take action...The banking union as currently conceived leads to banks in weaker countries to do as much as they can to borrow from banks in stronger countries...Moral hazard is more than ever haunting the eurozone, like the Loch Ness monster."

Importantly, Van Overtveldt has also warned against a “big leap” towards fiscal union in the Eurozone, saying it would effectively create "two European Unions" - and, according to him, effectively lead to the end of the EU. Hence, we can expect the new Belgian Finance Minister to pay good attention to the concerns of the UK and other non-Eurozone countries when it comes to safeguarding the integrity of the single market.

Book review - George Soros 'The Tragedy of the European Union: Disintegration or Revival?'

Over on his Forbes blog, Open Europe’s Raoul Ruparel provides a review of George Soros’ latest book ‘The Tragedy of the European Union: Disintegration or Revival?’ off the back of the event we hosted with him last night (the full write up of which can be found here).

The abstract of the book notes:

“The euro crisis was not an inevitable consequence of integration, but a result of avoidable mistakes in politics, economics and finance; the excessive faith in the self-regulating financial markets that Soros calls market fundamentalism inspired flawed institutional structures that call out for reform. Despite the considerable perils of this period, George Soros maintains his faith in the European Union as a model of open society.”

In his interviews Soros focuses on the failings of Europe during the eurozone crisis – specifically looking at the structural flaws in the euro and the role of Germany. Soros posits that the crisis could have been averted, or at least ended earlier, if Germany had taken the lead in the eurozone and allowed for greater solidarity through fiscal union. He also suggests the future of Europe could be marred by on-going political crises and economic stagnation if these flaws are not corrected.

Raoul argues that:

“His comments in general are interesting and for the most part accurate. However, he remained overly optimistic on the prospects for the euro despite these flaws and even called on the UK to join the single currency.”

“In particular there seems to be an inconsistency between his desire for greater centralisation and a firm grounding in democracy and an “open society” (which is transparent and responsive). It seems that behind Soros’ approach is the assumption of a European demos. However, I fundamentally believe that this is simply not the case.”

“While I do not believe the goals Soros outlines are readily achievable at this point in Europe, the one thing that comes through during the book is that this is not a policy proposal but a pitch to try to bring the reader round to his ambitious goals for Europe despite the current problems.”

One part which isn’t discussed on the blog is Soros’ view of the UK’s position in the EU. At our event he described the UK’s current position as “the best of both worlds” and called on it to rediscover its “European identity”. This comes through in the book as well, where he warns against a Brexit and accuses the UK of “blackmailing” the rest of the EU with the threat of an exit.

However, it doesn’t entirely fit with his broader view of the EU and the eurozone, which he believes needs much deeper integration. If that were to happen (and it is to some extent albeit more slowly than Soros would like) it would fundamentally change the UK’s position in the EU and the makeup of the EU itself. He seems to review the UK’s position in a much more static way than he does the EU and euro which he views as largely fluid.

This context also makes his “blackmail” comments a bit strange since part of the UK’s move is in response to the crisis. It also does not fit with his idea of an open society and democracy, given that many in the UK are keen to see a reformed EU and a referendum.

Nevertheless, it’s an interesting book and certainly worth a read if you’re looking for an overview of the current crisis and some historical factors around it as well as thoughts on the future.

No quantum leap on eurozone integration after the German elections

Our Director Mats Persson has an op-ed in today's Wall Street Journal, where he argues,

A satirical cartoon in the Italian magazine L'Espresso, depicting a father and son, illustrated it best: "Papa," says the son, "I have to go to the toilet."

"Hush," answers the father. "Hold it until after the German elections."

By now most commentators have realized that there won't be a quantum leap toward more eurozone integration following the German elections. However, while most have focused on coalition dynamics, there are in fact three far more profound limitations that will continue to restrict Germany's ability to act in Europe long after the Sept. 22 elections, and will prevent any swift move toward a euro-zone banking union or fiscal union: One of these limitations is political, one is constitutional and one is economic.

First, German public support for the euro remains highly conditional. According to a recent Open Europe/Open Europe Berlin poll, a majority of Germans support more euro-zone integration if it means more central controls over other countries' taxation and spending. However, a clear majority remain opposed to any policy that involves putting German cash on the line, such as further loans to struggling euro-zone countries, write-downs of existing loans, a joint banking backstop or fiscal transfers.

This is neither surprising nor new. In the 1990s when the euro was forged, the gulf between public and elite opinion was already conspicuous. But despite mounting scepticism, the cost of saving the euro hasn't actually trickled through to people's wallets. If that ever changes, via a slow-down in the German economy, or if savers start to really feel the pinch from the European Central Bank's low interest rates or future possible money printing, we may quickly hit the limit of what the public is willing to endure.

Let's not forget that, given Germany's regional structure, there's almost always another election on the horizon. Between now and when Greece is supposed to exit its bailout program in June 2015, for example, there will be at least five state elections in Germany, as well as the European elections in 2014. German politicians cannot escape public opinion.

Second, the German republic was set up after World War II specifically to prevent hasty centralizations of power. Ironically, this was done at the behest of the Americans and the British—though both Washington and London have been vocal critics of Berlin's cautious approach in the euro-zone crisis. Systemic circuit-breakers such as Germany's Constitutional Court were put in place to counter rash decision-making, while the modern German constitution in 1949 got rid of the federal government's Weimar-era emergency powers.

Today, slowness and consensus are encoded in the very fabric of the German constitutional DNA. This will not change after the elections, nor should we wish it to. While it is unlikely to rule against the ECB's bond-buying program, the Constitutional Court will continue to lay down new red lines for what Germany can and cannot do. The Court has already said that before the euro zone moves to a transfer union, a change to the German constitution will be needed, which will first require a referendum.

It's constitutionally complicated, for example, to write down Greek debt, given that 75% of it is now owned by taxpayer-backed institutions in Germany and the rest of the euro zone. If those institutions take losses on what until now have been loan guarantees, that will in effect turn the euro zone into a transfer union for the first time, which the Constitutional Court has said is illegal. German politicians will continue to have one hand tied by the court in Karlsruhe for years to come.

Then there is the third and most fundamental limitation: Germany can't afford to underwrite the euro forever. If implicit debt, such as the liabilities of Germany's social-security system, are taken into account, the real level of German public debt would be 192% of GDP—much higher than Italy's 146%. Germany has also racked up an exposure to the struggling peripheral countries of around €1 trillion—equivalent to some 40% of its GDP. If Berlin were to begin accepting losses on this, the cost could snowball quickly, as all its sovereign debtors would look for equal treatment. Furthermore, Germany faces a demographic time bomb.

By 2050, the country's current population of 82 million is projected to have declined to around 70 million—less than in 1963. Far fewer workers will be around to finance the country's pay-as-you-go social-security system. This is worse than it looks. Germany, of course, already has its own deeply unpopular transfer union. In this system, out of 16 federal states, only three—Bavaria, Hesse and Baden-Wurttemburgh—are permanent net contributors, with Hamburg moving in and out of that status. Under a hypothetical euro-zone transfer union, these four German regions would proportionally carry a huge burden.

All of this means that there's a relatively stable trajectory to German's EU politics, which defies electoral cycles. So can we expect any movement after Sept. 22? Maybe a little. Particularly in a coalition government that included the center-left Social Democratic Party, we may see some easing of austerity in favor of structural reforms in countries such as Greece or Portugal. But Germans won't give up their deep-held belief in frugality overnight.

Almost any German government is also likely to continue to insist on strong controls over other countries' taxation and spending, most likely via the EU institutions, as quid pro quo for more cash. So the complicated sequencing that's pitting the Germans against the French will continue to dog the euro zone. Make no mistake, Germany will remain a slow, deliberating and frustrating actor for years to come.