Sarkozy wins back party leadership, but road to French presidential election remains very long

Nicolas Sarkozy took a further step on the road to his political comeback over the weekend, as he won back the leadership of France’s centre-right UMP party. The former French President secured 64.5% of votes in an online survey of UMP members, finishing well ahead of former Agriculture Minister Bruno Le Maire (29.2%) and outsider Hervé Mariton (6.3%).

Sarkozy was always going to win, but the outcome is most certainly below what he was hoping for. In 2004, he had sailed through the leadership election with over 85% of the vote. Still, he holds again the reins of his “political family” – to use his own words – and has already made at least two interesting announcements:

• The UMP will change name before the next round of local elections in March 2015. 

• He will set up a committee of former UMP prime ministers to help him manage the party – although the idea has reportedly not gone down particularly well with François Fillon, one of the former prime ministers supposed to sit on this committee. 

On this blog, we have noted how Sarkozy’s political comeback has the potential to really spice up the French debate over Europe. The former French President has this year repeatedly spoken of returning half of the EU’s powers to national governments. He also wants to scrap the EU’s passport-free Schengen travel area in its current form and replace it with a more selective ‘Schengen II’, which could only be joined by countries adopting the same immigration policies.

Sarkozy’s political strategy looks pretty clear: take a tougher, more ‘realist’ stance on Europe and immigration to stop the UMP losing voters to Marine Le Pen’s Front National. What is far from clear at this stage, though, is whether the new line will draw unanimous support from the rest of Sarkozy’s party.

Another important point to keep in mind is that the victory in Saturday’s party leadership poll does not automatically make Sarkozy the centre-right candidate for the 2017 French presidential election. A separate ‘primary election’ is due in 2016, when Sarkozy is going to face at least one much tougher rival: former French Foreign Minister Alain Juppé.

How that duel will end is anyone’s guess, but recent opinion polls suggest that Juppé would have a better chance of victory in case of an ‘open primary’ – where members of smaller centrist parties can vote alongside with UMP members to elect a single centre-right presidential candidate. Sarkozy has so far spoken in favour of an ‘open primary’, although he looks reluctant to involve the Democratic Movement (MoDem) in the exercise. The centrist party led by François Bayrou actually endorsed François Hollande in the run-off of the 2012 presidential election against Sarkozy, and Bayrou has made no secret of his support for Juppé as the centre-right candidate in 2017.

Finally, Sarkozy remains (directly or indirectly) involved in a series of pending legal cases that may well dog his campaign.

The road to 2017 is still very long. 

Commission forecasts paint a less than optimistic picture for eurozone outlook

The European Commission has this morning released its Autumn 2014 Economic forecasts. While these forecasts can often be quite mundane owing to the very managed message they are trying to send, this set look to be a bit different (see here for our take on Winter 2014 and Autumn 2013). Maybe unsurprisingly the tone to more sceptical, critical and possibly realistic. Below outline some interesting themes.

Another downward growth revision
Once again growth for the Eurozone has been revised down. The previous forecast saw 1.2% and 1.8% growth in 2014 and 2015 respectively. The new forecast predicts 0.8% and 1.1% respectively, quite a significant downward revision, especially since growth next year is now expected to be below the original forecast for this year. The initial blame (in the press release) for this revision seems to be laid at the feet of “increasing geopolitical risks and less favourable world economic prospects”. However, that raises the question of why it is seen as enduring up to 2016. In the report itself the assessment is thankfully more candid highlighting “incomplete internal and external adjustment” and “low productivity gains”.

More realism about the labour market
There is a wider acceptance in these forecasts that unemployment will remain elevated for some time and that differences in labour market performance will persist. That said, at the moment any real prospect on employment growth in the Eurozone seems optimistic.

Bad news in nearly all the large economies
France and Germany’s growth prospects for this year have been revised downwards to 0.3% and 1.3%, from 1% and 1.8% respectively. Italy is expected to contract by 0.4% this year and only grow 0.6% and 1.1% in 2015 and 2016 respectively. Given that these three countries account for nearly 60% of Eurozone GDP this suggests a very poor outlook for the Eurozone with growth risks tilted to the downside. In general, the core vs. periphery split is less clear in this report, at least in growth terms as many countries are now acting as a drag on the Eurozone economy for a number of reasons.

Significant and increasing reliance on domestic over external demand
Early on in the crisis there was a clear focus on facilitating export led recoveries, often in the German model. However, over the past 12 – 18 months this has shifted, possibly driven by global economic weakness, and these forecasts finalise the shift. The Commission itself says,  “Net exports are likely to contribute only marginally to GDP growth over the forecast horizon”. Spain is a prime example of this, see here for a longer discussion of the issue.

While finding a balance between the two is important (we cannot have 18 Germanys in the Eurozone) the shift may have been too stark. Let’s not forget that there is still a huge amount of public and private debt (both household and corporate) in the Eurozone, especially in problem countries. This will limit potential domestic demand growth. So while the flows are shifting in a way which should see an uptick in domestic demand, we should not forget that the huge stock of debt may provide a ceiling on this as a driver of growth.

Low inflation is here to stay
The Commission has also downgraded its inflation forecast with CPI expected to be 0.8% in 2015 compared to previous forecast of 1.2%, while it is only expected to be 1.5% in 2016. The forecast for 2015 is below the ECB’s of 1.1% but the 2016 is above the ECB’s which is 1.4%. Interestingly, the Commission continues to make the case that “low, or negative, inflation rates as part of [some countries] inevitable adjustment process”. This is an argument which has been absent all recent ECB press conferences. In terms of deflation, the Commission sides with the ECB, saying the risks of outright deflation remain low.

We’ll update the blog throughout the day as we pour over the 185 page report. But for now, we’ll leave you with a thought from Commissioner Jyrki Katainen in the press conference, when asked how much the forecasts can be trusted given a history of being incorrect he simply responded, “Nobody knows”. Quite.

France and Italy get preliminary approval of their budgets, but it's not the end of the story

The European Commission has given France and Italy a preliminary nod through on their draft budgets for 2015. In a statement released yesterday evening, Commission Vice-President Jyrki Katainen said:

"After taking into account all of the further information and improvements communicated to us in recent days, I cannot immediately identify cases of 'particularly serious non-compliance' which would oblige us to consider a negative opinion at this stage in the process."

An outright rejection of the French and Italian budget plans was always unlikely, as it was in no-one's interest to trigger an almighty row involving the second and third largest Eurozone economies. However, doing nothing was also never really an option for the Commission. Had it let France and Italy get away with draft budgets that were not only clearly deviating from their deficit reduction commitments but also not even acting to try and meet them, the credibility of EU fiscal rules - already wafer-thin - would have been shattered.

Over the past few days, both France and Italy pledged to make additional cuts to those initially planned for next year. Therefore, at least in terms of political narrative, the Commission got the upper hand in this first round. It stood up for budget consolidation, and it made its demand for extra efforts heard in Paris and Rome. On the other hand, for all their anti-austerity bluster, French President François Hollande and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi are likely to come across as eventually bending to the will of Brussels.

That said, this is by no means the end of the story. The measures proposed by France and Italy to achieve the extra deficit reductions look far from structural. Also, as the FT notes, the changes are still short of what the Commission demanded and remain vaguely defined: 

• In his letter to Katainen, French Finance Minister Michel Sapin mentions the lower interest rates on French debt, the lower contribution to the EU budget recently announced by the Commission (we have written extensively on this issue, see here and here), and a strengthening of the fight against tax evasion.

• Similarly, his Italian counterpart Pier Carlo Padoan said he would use a €3.3 billion tesoretto (literally 'little treasure', but basically a reserve fund), originally set aside to lower the tax burden in 2015, to reduce deficit instead. However, there seems to be no guarantee that Italy will be able to find the same amount of money every year.

The Commission will issue its final verdict on the draft 2015 budgets of all Eurozone countries by the end of November. We would expect the Commission to come up with a set of stringent recommendations for France and Italy, although an entirely negative opinion looks unlikely. In the end, we may well see a replay of the current discussion. In the meantime, as the contrasting headlines from the New York Times today show, some may struggle to discern who exactly capitulated... 

The print version and online version of the New York Times today struggle to judge who blinked first...

Showdown between France and Commission set to test EU’s budget rules

It has been widely reported over the weekend that the European Commission (EC) is seriously considering rejecting France’s new budget proposal which will see it run a deficit of 4.3% next year rather than the EC target of 3%.

As the graph above shows, France has strayed significantly from the path originally agreed with the EC, even after it requested and was granted additional time to meet its deficit targets just last year.

Importantly, this is the first time a country has flagrantly flouted the budget rules. Other countries have missed their targets or asked for extensions, but with the presumption of good faith and serious efforts being made to meet said targets. However, with its latest budget France has rejected the previously agreed cuts (worth 0.8% of GDP) and offered just 0.2% of GDP in savings. In other words it has flat out chosen to ignore the rules.

This may seem like semantics but it puts the EC and the EU more broadly in a tough position. With much of peripheral Europe failing to meet the fiscal rules agreed under the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), the Fiscal compact and the European Semester, many have already been questioning the effectiveness of these tools. Ultimately, the EC risks replaying one of the key features of the previous crisis – letting a big country break the SGP and then being unable to effectively enforce it for other countries, helping to facilitate the large build-up of sovereign debt.

This is therefore a key test of the viability of the new rules and whether this time will really be any different. Combined with the renewed bank stress tests and bail-in rules, the coming months are an important testing ground for the new financial architecture which the Eurozone has put in place.

Sadly, as Reuters highlights, another fudge looks to be on the cards. While the EC will probably reprimand France to the fullest extent before getting to outright fines, it will also work up a new looser programme which gives it more time. This helps all sides save face and avoids the risk of further weakening French President Francois Hollande to the benefit of the Front Nationale (something which the EU wants to avoid).

As for what happens now, the EC will provide a verdict on the budget by the end of the month in what will be one of the last acts of the Barroso Commission. This is of course all complicated by the hand-over of the EC and the wrangling over who will actually be in charge of enforcing the budget agreements. When all is said and done another muddle through is likely, but with the Eurozone facing economic stagnation investors may be less than convinced by such moves.

Confidence vote won, absolute majority lost: not the best start for the new French government

The new French government, led by Prime Minister Manuel Valls, yesterday won its first vote of confidence in the National Assembly. That was expected, but the big news is that Valls and his government have fallen well short of winning an absolute majority.

269 MPs voted in favour, 244 against, and 53 abstained. The absolute majority is set at 289 votes.

Most importantly, the voting records reveal that 31 MPs from the Prime Minister's Socialist Party chose to abstain. Back in April, when Valls sought the confidence for his first government, he got 306 votes in favour. Hence, yesterday marked a substantial step backwards.

The outcome of the confidence vote seems to confirm that the 'left wing' of the French Socialist Party remains opposed to the economic policies being pursued by Valls - which in substance means remaining critical of the approach defended by the European Commission, Germany and other northern eurozone countries.

Incidentally, these divergences forced a cabinet reshuffle at the end of August - which saw the ousting of the three most left-leaning ministers, notably including Economy Minister Arnaud Montebourg.

French history shows that it is possible to govern without an absolute majority in parliament. Another Socialist Prime Minister, Michel Rocard (widely seen as one of the political mentors of Valls), did it between 1988 and 1991.

However, it remains to be seen to what extent Valls will be able to push through the wide-reaching reforms and sizeable spending cuts demanded by the EU if he fails to win back the full support of his own party. As an alternative, he may try and strike deals with the smaller centrist parties in parliament - but the success of such a move would be far from guaranteed.

Indeed, this is hardly great news at a time when the French economic situation is not encouraging, making it essential to move forward quickly with the necessary measures.
 
The road to recovery may have just become longer and bumpier for France.

ECB preview - Dovish Draghi to double down on easing?

The European Central Bank (ECB) holds its monthly meeting in Frankfurt today - the day after ECB President Mario Draghi's 67th birthday.

As usual, Open Europe's Head of Economic Research Raoul Ruparel has published a preview on his Forbes blog, explaining what we may expect from today's meeting.

Here goes:

Following ECB President Mario Draghi’s dovish speech at Jackson Hole last month this week’s ECB meeting has taken on new importance. This has been further enhanced by the recent Eurozone inflation data which put annual CPI at 0.3% in August. The headline figure hides some of the story with core inflation actually rising to 0.9% (from 0.8%) but the ECB’s previous inflation forecasts have begun to look increasingly out of line with reality.

However, those expecting a big move are likely to be a bit disappointed. As I pointed out last month, it is almost nonsensical for Draghi to unveil new measures before his previous policies have been implemented. I am thinking specifically of the TLTROs (targeted long term lending operations) the first of which will only be conducted on 18 September. Any big announcement now could undermine the predicted take up of these measures – which clearly remain the ECB’s preferred approach for injecting further liquidity.

That being said, these measures are unlikely to make much difference since the conditions for passing liquidity on to the real economy remain very loose. They are also very unlikely to appease investors and markets which have now come to expect some significant new easing. The two key options which are on the table for this meeting are:

1. A further interest rate cut: Many will validly ask, what is the point in a further cut now? Of course it would have little to no economic impact, however, it would once again signal the dovish bias of the ECB. It would also signal a clear shift in the ECB’s position given that Draghi has previously said rates are unlikely to get any lower than current levels. It becomes another mechanism to express his commitment to further easing. There also remains scope to make the negative deposit rate more negative, although there is a cap on this since, at some point, it will be cheaper for banks to simply hold cash than deposits with the ECB.
    
2. Purchases of private sector assets – specifically Asset Backed Securities (ABS): The ECB has long telegraphed such action and it is the next obvious tool at its disposal. Whether or not it will be announced this month or in the coming months is a bit of a toss-up. It seems the ECB is not quite ready to implement it yet and has made a big song and dance about the need to adjust regulations and definitions of ABS, which are yet to fully take place. Whenever it is announced, implementation is likely to be later this year to allow the negative deposit rate and TLTROs to have time to work. I remain sceptical on the effectiveness of this policy, which I have analysed in detail on the Open Europe blog. Ultimately, the market for the transparent ABS related to SME loans remains very small in Europe and focused in the core countries rather than the periphery (where this money really needs to flow to). For example, in Q1 2014, of the €18.5bn in ABS issued, only €1.6bn used SME loans as collateral. The ECB maintains that it can and will help create the market in this area, yet with this measure having been forecast for some time, you would expect there to have been some market response already.

As with many of Draghi’s press conferences, all of this will be weaved into a dovish speech including a few key trigger words for markets – few other central bankers are as adept in their communication. As for full blow Quantitative Easing on sovereign debt, this remains someway off in my mind and hurdles remain high. Its use will ultimately be tied into developments in the fiscal and political sphere, as hinted at in Draghi’s speech (more detail on this coming in a future post). The ECB will be loath to unveil QE, which it fears can only buy time, without further commitment to reforms, a clearer fiscal approach and developments on the structure of the Eurozone which such changes will entail.

Tusk and Mogherini: Europe's new 'dream team'? Our initial thoughts

Europe's new 'dream team'?

As we noted in our previous post, Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades had sort of spoiled the surprise. Anyway, now it's official: Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk has been appointed new European Council President, and Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini will succeed Baroness Ashton as the EU's foreign policy chief (aka High Representative for Foreign Affairs).

A couple of initial thoughts:
  
Donald Tusk 

Tusk has economically liberal and pro-free trade instincts. Most importantly from the UK's point of view, he comes from outside the euro area - and will therefore be sensitive to the concerns of non-euro countries when it comes to safeguarding the integrity of the single market, a point he made during his press conference:

#Tusk We've need to prevent Europe from dividing into euro/non-euro camps, I wouldn't have taken job if it involved new institutional split
— Pawel Swidlicki (@pswidlicki) August 30, 2014

Tusk also explicitly committed himself to ensuring the UK stays in the EU and endorsing (some) EU reforms:

#Tusk: We'll need solutions to the concerns of Great Britain, no one sensible can envisage the "black scenario" of an EU without Britain
— Pawel Swidlicki (@pswidlicki) August 30, 2014

That said, Tusk is also likely to oppose fundamental changes to EU rules on free movement; although he did say that so-called 'welfare abuse' can be addressed, as we've noted, for many the debate has moved on from the issue of 'fairness' to that of 'volume', something Cameron will be under huge pressure to place at the centre of his potential renegotiation. In the more immediate future, Cameron's early support for Tusk as new European Council President could increase the UK's chances of securing a big portfolio in the new European Commission.

Significantly, it has been confirmed that Tusk will also chair the summits of eurozone leaders - despite coming from a non-euro country. This looks like a big concession made, in particular, by French President François Hollande - who was reportedly sceptical of such an arrangement. Perhaps Hollande hopes that giving ground on this point can help him secure the key post of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs for his former Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici.

Federica Mogherini

The resistance to Mogherini, put up by Eastern EU member states over the past few weeks, has clearly been appeased by Tusk's appointment as new European Council President. It was noteworthy that Herman Van Rompuy stressed that Tusk and Mogherini would "work closely together to secure Europe's interests and values".  

Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, who has invested a great deal of political capital on Mogherini, seems to have achieved what he was looking for: a diplomatic victory in Brussels to sell to the electorate once back in Italy - where the big reforms are not going forward as fast as announcements, and the economic situation shows no signs of improvement. With the country in recession and deflation, it remains to be seen how much Italian voters will be impressed.

#Mogherini lands High Rep job, #Renzi scores EU victory to sell back at home. Not sure how much Italians will be impressed. #EUCO #EUtopjobs
— Vincenzo Scarpetta (@LondonerVince) August 30, 2014

As we noted in our recent flash analysis, the role of High Representative is less crucial from the UK's point of view - as foreign policy remains primarily a national competence, with every EU member state having a veto. However, in light of the various geopolitical challenges facing the EU (and its neighbourhood), it is possible that Mogherini will play a greater - or at least more visible - role than her predecessor.

Handelsblatt: France is the new sick man of Europe

The front page of Germany financial daily Handelsblatt today depicts France as the sick man of Europe, warning that "a once proud nation faces economic decline." Of course warnings of French decline have been made before - notably the famous ticking baguette bomb on the front page of the Economist a couple of years ago - but it is striking that the German press is increasingly reflecting these concerns.

The front page trails a detailed eight page feature which the paper introduces by arguing that:

"Our most important neighbour is mired in crisis. France risks falling behind when it comes to its budget, its labour market and its industry. However, the country could be successful if only it stops making itself smaller."

The timing might be slightly ironic given that the French economy 'outperformed' the German economy in the last quarter - albeit by staying flat as Germany contracted by 0.2%. Handelsblatt has itself warned that Germany was "no longer a champion" but the German economy is still pretty robust, and should bounce back quickly, while France's problems are much more deeply entrenched.

Annus horribilis? 2017 could become the EU’s most challenging year to date

We don’t want to be over-dramatic, but 2017 could shape up to be the toughest year for the EU in a very, very long time. Perhaps ever.

If David Cameron gets re-elected, there will be an In/Out EU referendum in the UK in 2017 (though it could perhaps be delayed). With the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as new European Commission President and the symbolic defeat that involved, the risk of Brexit is now arguably higher than ever. The UK could leave the EU in 2017.

At the same time, there’s a growing possibility that Front National leader Marine Le Pen – who’s said she expects “nothing from Europe apart from destruction” – could win the French Presidential election due in April/May 2017. According to a new IFOP poll for French weekly Marianne, Le Pen would finish ahead in the first round of the 2017 presidential election with 26% of votes – followed by former President Nicolas Sarkozy on 25%, and President François Hollande or Prime Minister Manuel Valls on 17%. This means Le Pen and Sarkozy would make it to the final run-off. Although, the chances of her winning the run-off are relatively slim, it is notable that her closest challenger could yet be drowned in a corruption investigation.

As we noted yesterday, Swiss voters will likely be asked to vote again on the country’s relationship with the EU “at the latest by the end of 2016, or the beginning of 2017,” according to Swiss President Didier Burkhalter. It could be a “take it or leave it” vote in response to Swiss voters' opposition to the current free movement arrangements and the EU’s refusal to budge on the issue. If the Swiss vote “leave it”, there will be a huge crisis between Switzerland and the EU.

This wouldn’t be pretty at all. Now, we still don’t see this triple-whammy as a central scenario, but it’s hard to find a more ample illustration of why the status quo in Europe is the biggest threat to its survival.

Get on with EU reform. Now.

The EU's possible new sanctions on Russia: What 'burden sharing'?

As we noted in our previous blog on the potential 'Stage 3' of EU sanctions on Russia, the options considered by the European Commission and the EEAS seem heavily focused on financial markets, raising the question of whether London would have to shoulder too much of the burden.

The document notes:

Between 2004 and 2012, a total of USD 48.4 billion was raised through IPOs in the EU by companies incorporated in Russia. Out of those, USD 16.4 billion was issued by state-owned financial institutions.

In 2013, 47% of the bonds issued by Russian public financial institutions were issued in the EU's financial markets (€7.5bn out of a total of €15.8bn).

However, what the memo does not say is that all those deals took place in London - as data from the London Stock Exchange show quite clearly.

As the graph above shows, VTB (twice) and Sberbank have raised $16.4bn from IPOs (and follow on issuance) in London. This seems to correspond (or even outstrip) the figure cited in the EU document. Furthermore, the total value of IPOs from Russian firms also comes from London, since it stands at $48.96bn (between 2004 and 2012).

The spread of debt securities seems a bit wider, and data are harder to find. However, it is a good bet that quite a few were issued or at least cross-listed in London.

Ultimately, this is not 'make-or-break' for London. The fees from debt and/or equity issuance and stock listings are a nice income, but not huge in terms of the City. We would expect the figure to be within the hundreds of millions maximum. It's also worth remembering that any sanctions are likely to be only forward looking so relating to new debt and equity issuance not existing stocks (although this is still up for grabs in the negotiations). 

Hence, as we asked in our previous blog, the real question is why is so much of the burden (even if it is not a massive one) falling on the UK? France and Germany might be talking tougher, but they do not quite seem to be following through with actions.

*(Update: We have seen an updated version of the document which has the exact $16.4bn figure, and so have updated it in the text above). 

Leaked EU memo with options for 'Stage 3' sanctions on Russia highlights underlying confusion

France's Mistral warships seem to be off the table

As Greek daily To Vima and the FT have been reporting, there is a draft going around of the EU options paper on possible further sanctions on Russia that will be discussed at today’s meeting of EU ambassadors. The paper includes potential options for 'Stage 3' sanctions, and the key ones are:

1. Restrictions on access to EU capital markets for Russian state-owned financial institutions
2. Embargo on trade in arms
3. Restrictions on exports of dual use goods
4. Restrictions on exports of sensitive technologies including in the field of energy

We have seen a version of the document, and these are our initial thoughts:

• The section on capital markets is by far the most detailed. This raises the question of whether the UK would be taking a larger share of the burden. This is possible, and the document does not provide national estimates in terms of costs. However, as we have pointed out many times, the links between the City of London and Russia are not as huge as is made out. The draft paper stresses that financial links come from around the EU, seemingly confirming this analysis.

• Reuters notes that the four largest Russian banks with state ownership of over 50% are Sberbank, VTB, the Russian Agriculture Bank and VEB. The first two are listed on the London Stock Exchange. It is not clear what these sanctions would mean for companies such as Gazprombank, which is 100% owned by Gazprom - which in turn is 50% owned by the Russian state.

• That said, one has to question the level of burden-sharing taking place under these proposals. It seems France would put up almost nothing, as it could achieve a specific carve-out to guarantee that previously agreed arms deals – such as its €1.2 billion Mistral warship sale – are exempted.

• Once all the caveats are considered, the arms embargo seems essentially pointless. It would also have little impact on Russia since it imports barely any EU arms.

• The impact of all this on Russia would be mixed. The financial sanctions could have some impact but it would likely be a drawn out one. They would force companies to shift to much shorter financing and force the state to back them up even further – a blow but not a killer one.

• Linked to all this is the issue of international cooperation. For example, refinancing the €7.5 billion of bonds issued (in 2013) by Russian state-owned banks on EU markets would not be prohibitively difficult if markets in Singapore and Hong Kong are still open to these firms. Similarly, in terms of high tech imports, there may be alternatives on offer. At least on this front, Japan, South Korea and others are unlikely to turn against the West. Of course, the role of China is important. Beijing may help Moscow out (particularly on the finance front), but probably not to the extent Russia is hoping. China is keen to keep its holdings and investments diversified, and also has a lot invested in Russia.

• The fact that all of the sanctions are only forward-looking is also a big caveat, and allows both sides time to diversify away.

• Hence, the final question to ask is whether this document will bolster the threat of EU sanctions. In some areas yes, in others no. For example, the detail on financial sanctions will be welcome, although it is unlikely that Putin will be shaking in his boots. On the arms, tech and dual use side, though, the lack of clarity and the number of caveats could actually undermine the EU’s position and would once again highlight how hard it would be to actually reach unanimity to move to 'Stage 3' sanctions.

The document is still being negotiated. We will update our blog as and when we hear of new developments.

Will EU foreign ministers agree on what to do with Russia?

(l-r) The foreign ministers of Italy, Spain and France

EU foreign ministers will meet tomorrow to discuss what to do with Russia in light of last week's MH17 plane crash, where almost 300 people lost their lives. The option of moving to tougher 'Stage 3' economic sanctions will be on the table. While the UK, France and Germany have all warned Moscow that it will face further sanctions if it fails to secure the crash site and guarantee a thorough and independent investigation, all eyes are on Italy and Spain - usually among the most dovish member states when it comes to EU-Russia relations.

After a couple of cautious statements over the weekend, a spokesman for the Italian Foreign Ministry is today quoted as saying,

"If Russia doesn't cooperate with the investigation [into the crash], we are very much ready to support the sanctions."

Belated compared to other big EU countries, but this is the most strongly worded statement coming from Rome to date. One could expect Italy to take a tougher stance this time around, not least because the main objection raised by Eastern European member states to the appointment of Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini as the new EU foreign policy chief is precisely the fact that Italy is regarded as too soft on Russia.

Meanwhile, speaking to the press this morning, Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel García-Margallo took a milder position. He refused to condemn Russia for the crash, and suggested waiting for the outcome of the investigation by the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) before considering any further steps.

On top of this, despite presenting a united front, Germany, France and the UK might not yet be on exactly the same page - not least because France continues to look unwilling to put its sale of Mistral ships to Russia on the table, and Germany's prime concern seems to be to preserve cohesion within the EU, rather than driving tougher sanctions. The big EU member states are therefore still not all on the same wavelength - although the fact that Italy might be hardening its stance is an interesting development.

Once again then, it is far from granted that EU foreign ministers will be able to agree on tougher sanctions on Russia tomorrow. However, it is looking the most likely it has been for some time.

EU leaders fail to agree on the remaining top jobs. Anything to remember from yesterday's summit?

Yesterday's European Council summit ended without an agreement on the remaining EU top jobs. However, something interesting still came out of the meeting.

A socialist (and a woman?) for next EU foreign policy chief

EU leaders appear to have established that the next High Representative for EU foreign policy will be a centre-left politician. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President François Hollande and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi all said it in the respective post-summit statements.

Renzi, who is pushing for Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini to get the job, also stressed that, "Everyone agrees that there's no other candidacy than Italy's." Hollande added that the High Representative "will necessarily be a woman, taking into account the image of Europe we have to offer". The French President also made clear that he backs Mogherini's candidacy.

The next European Council President will be appointed by unanimity, and could be one of the 28 sitting EU leaders

As Hollande put it during his press conference, the next European Council President "will be a personality that will have to gather consensus". Similarly, Merkel said, "We need a personality...who can hold us 28 together."

Interestingly, Renzi told Italian journalists:

"Hollande said that, according to him, the next European Council President has to be one of the 28 [sitting EU leaders]. It doesn't matter whether [he/she is] from the eurozone or not. He got broad support [for this idea]."

Speaking after the summit, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk confirmed that his name has been informally floated for the post of European Council President (an option we discussed here and here), but that he had not been approached officially.

Tusk reiterated that he would prefer to remain in Poland, but then added:

"We have to play out a complicated game and sometimes in this game the argument goes that all options remain on the table. Therefore, if you ask me if this is impossible, I will say that in the negotiations I prefer to keep every eventuality in reserve in order to achieve the maximum that Poland could possibly achieve."

And that was it. EU leaders will meet again on 30 August to try and wrap up a deal. We will be monitoring the meeting very closely, despite it being on a Saturday.

Why Cameron needs to make a swift decision on the UK's next EU Commissioner

In a recent briefing, we stressed that David Cameron needs to pick a 'heavy-hitter' as UK's next European Commissioner if he wants to secure a key portfolio for the UK. Our point is reinforced by a quick look at the candidates being (more or less officially) lined up by other EU member states.

If the UK drags its feet on 'declaring' its candidate, and then sends someone not considered up for the job, we suspect its chances will pretty much have evaporated.

FRANCE - Former Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici is regarded as the frontrunner. The possible alternative could be Élisabeth Guigou, who has served as French Europe Minister, Justice Minister and Employment Minister.

GERMANY - Günther Oettinger looks very likely to stay on as German Commissioner. A former Minister-President of Baden-Württemberg, he has gained influence within Angela Merkel's CDU party during his five years as EU Energy Commissioner.
 
ITALY - Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini is widely tipped to become the new Italian Commissioner. She is currently regarded as the frontrunner to replace Lady Ashton as EU foreign policy chief. 

FINLAND - Former Prime Minister Jyrki Katainen will be the new Finnish Commissioner. He has already replaced Olli Rehn, who had to take up his seat in the European Parliament. Importantly, Katainen stepped down as Finnish Prime Minister precisely because he had set his eyes on a job in Brussels.

SPAIN - Former Agriculture Minister Miguel Arias Cañete is the favourite to become the new Spanish Commissioner. He resigned in April after being picked by Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy as Partido Popular's top candidate in the European Parliament elections.

POLAND - Various names have been suggested. Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski remains the frontrunner (despite the recent wiretapping scandal). Former Finance Minister Jacek Rostowski and former EU Budget Commissioner Janusz Lewandowski - recently elected as an MEP - are also in the race.

NETHERLANDS - The frontrunner is Finance Minister and Eurogroup Chairman Jeroen Dijsselbloem, who is one of the two big contenders for the key post of Economic and Monetary Affairs Commissioner along with France's Pierre Moscovici.

ESTONIA - Former Prime Minister Andrus Ansip, leader of the liberal Estonian Reform Party, will be the new Estonian Commissioner, according to what Jean-Claude Juncker just said during his hearing with MEPs from the ALDE group.

What is somewhat different with this lot is that it includes a range of acting or former senior ministers still very much operating on the political centre stage in their respective countries. With some exceptions, the time when countries sent to Brussels whoever the sitting government tried to 'get rid of' seems pretty much over.

Cameron better get a move on.

Flexibility and sloppy translations: Could the discussion on EU fiscal rules still endanger Juncker's election?

The Bundesbank attacks Renzi: "He tells us what to do". This is today's front page headline of Italian daily La Repubblica. According to Italian media, Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann yesterday had a go at Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi for telling everyone else in Europe what they have to do.

Well, that's not quite what Weidmann said. The full speech is available here. And the exact quote is:

Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, for instance, likens the EU to 'an old, boring aunt, who tells us what we should do.'

In other words, Weidmann was simply quoting Renzi. Quite different from what has been reported by Italian papers, although Weidmann did say in his speech that structural reforms "should be implemented, not only announced" - a Bundesbank Leitmotiv.

A case of 'lost in translation'. Still, Renzi hit back less than an hour ago during his joint press conference with outgoing European Commission President José Manuel Barroso in Rome:

#Renzi: The task of the Bundesbank is not to take part in the Italian political debate.
— Vincenzo Scarpetta (@LondonerVince) July 4, 2014

Sloppy translations aside, this episode highlights that there are some unresolved issues when it comes to what different eurozone countries mean by the 'flexibility' of EU fiscal rules. This may well spice up the European Parliament vote on the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as European Commission President, scheduled for 15 July.

A couple of Italian MEPs from Renzi's Democratic Party have said they want "clarity" from Juncker before supporting him. Similarly, the leader of French Socialist MEPs Pervenche Bérès told French daily Le Monde:

We are in a difficult equation. We criticise the [economic] policies of the right. But if we reject this candidacy, we will have no influence on the re-orientation of the policies that Juncker must pursue.

It is too early to tell how this story will end. Juncker is due to meet the centre-left S&D group on Tuesday precisely to discuss the priorities of the new European Commission. We will probably have a clearer idea after that. Indeed, one would assume that, if Renzi or François Hollande told their MEPs to vote for Juncker, MEPs would follow their leaders' instruction. Furthermore, the German and Italian governments are both playing down tensions.

That said, looking at the vote on Juncker in the European Parliament, the three groups expected to back him (EPP, S&D and ALDE) have 479 MEPs in total. The UK Labour Party already said it would vote against Juncker. If French, Italian and maybe Spanish centre-left MEPs did the same, along with the 12 Hungarian centre-right MEPs from Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party (who sit in the EPP group), support for Juncker would suddenly shrink to 389 MEPs.

The required majority is 376, so we would be looking at a much tighter vote. And it's going to be a secret ballot, which adds to the uncertainty. Time for Juncker to get worried? Maybe not yet, but he has already got a quite difficult job on his hands in pleasing everyone when it comes to using the 'flexibility' in the EU's Stability and Growth Pact to its full extent.

Sarkozy held in custody: A blow to his mooted comeback and a gift to Le Pen?

Nicolas Sarkozy has been detained for questioning by the French judicial police this morning, over allegations of influence-peddling (trafic d'influence). No formal charges have been brought so far, but prosecutors are investigating whether Sarkozy had promised to help a high-ranking French judge get a lucrative job in Monaco in return for insider information about other investigations relating to the financing of Sarkozy's presidential campaign in 2007.

This story emerged from the wiretapping of phone calls between Sarkozy and his lawyer, Thierry Herzog, that French prosecutors had started last year as part of a separate case - the alleged financing of Sarkozy's presidential campaign by the Gaddafi family.

According to the French media, the conversations revealed that Sarkozy and his lawyer were not only receiving confidential information on the on-going investigations, but were even aware of being wiretapped - given that Sarkozy had reportedly bought a new mobile and was using it to talk to his lawyer under the pseudonym Paul Bismuth.

We will see how the investigation evolves, but it could have important implications. Over the past few months, Sarkozy's political comeback has looked increasingly like a matter of when, not if. A few of his closest allies seem to think the former French President is the only one who can preserve the unity of the centre-right UMP party.

Indeed, Sarkozy could decide it is time to come back precisely in light of this scandal - engaging in a Berlusconi-style crusade against politicised judges. But it is far from clear whether the French electorate would buy this.

In the meantime, Front National leader Marine Le Pen is waiting in the wings, and could come out as the big winner. France's last two centre-right presidents, Jacques Chirac and now Sarkozy, have both been hit by legal scandals. It could be a great argument to persuade disaffected voters to shift to Front National. 

Post-Juncker press conference round-up

We have been following the post-summit press conferences of EU leaders. Here is a round-up of the highlights, starting with German Chancellor Angela Merkel:

MOST IMPORTANT POINTS FROM #MERKEL #EUCO PRESSER: (1/3) "Ever closer union" does not mean one-speed Europe.
— Open Europe (@OpenEurope) June 27, 2014

MOST IMPORTANT POINTS FROM #MERKEL #EUCO PRESSER: (2/3) #spitzenkandidaten process will have to be discussed in #Council.
— Open Europe (@OpenEurope) June 27, 2014

MOST IMPORTANT POINTS FROM #MERKEL #EUCO PRESSER: (3/3) "flexibility" on fiscal pact does not mean member states get to re-write the rules.
— Open Europe (@OpenEurope) June 27, 2014

In his press conference, David Cameron took his defeat on the chin but noted that it would make his reform strategy harder:

“Today’s outcome is not the one I wanted. And it makes it harder, and the stakes higher…This is going to be a long, tough fight and sometimes you have to be ready to lose a battle to win a war. It has only stiffened my resolve to fight for reform in the EU, because it is crying out for it.”

Cameron was asked whether much more of this kind of thing would prompt him to recommend an ‘Out’ vote in a referendum. He declined the offer but did make the point that:

“And at the end of 2017, it will not be me, it will not be the House of Commons, it won’t be Brussels who decide about Britain’s future in the European Union. It will be the British people. It will be their choice, and their choice alone.”

He also pointed to the paragraph in the Council conclusions dedicated to the UK:

1. The UK raised some concerns related to the future development of the EU. These concerns will need to be addressed.  

In this context, the European Council noted that the concept of ever closer union allows for different paths of integration for different countries, allowing those that want to deepen integration to move ahead, while respecting the wish of those who do not want to deepen any further.  

Once the new European Commission is effectively in place, the European Council will consider the process for the appointment of the President of the European Commission for the future, respecting the European Treaties.

Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi was particularly keen to claim victory on a more 'flexible' application of EU fiscal rules. Van Rompuy’s agenda for the next European Commission is “very very very good on substance. For the first time, the focus is on growth. Insisting on growth is a turning point for Europe,” he said.

“Those countries who implement structural reforms have the right to greater flexibility, which is the most important political point for us.”

Renzi also touched on other EU top jobs, and made clear that:

“The name of [former Italian Prime Minister] Enrico Letta for European Council Presidency has never been made”

As for French President François Hollande, he tried to wrap his battle for looser EU fiscal rules into a European flag:

“I did not intervene only to defend France. When I evoke the flexibility in the margins of the Stability Pact [EU fiscal rules], I defend a conception of Europe.” 

And as regards the next European Commission, he said France wants “an organisation around big Vice-Presidencies. I will demand a Vice-Presidency for France.”

Read our take on what Cameron's defeat means for the reform agenda here.

The stakes are raised: Will Renzi and Hollande back Juncker even absent more lenient eurozone fiscal rules?

As we anticipated on our blog last week, the discussion over Jean-Claude Juncker's appointment as next European Commission President has in part turned into a debate over whether the EU's fiscal rules - enshrined in the Stability and Growth Pact - should be applied in a more 'flexible' way.

France and Italy are making their support for Juncker conditional on the new European Commission granting them more budget leeway while they push ahead with structural reforms, and Germany is reluctant to make concessions.

This also matters for David Cameron's battle against Juncker, as an increasing number of Germans now see what can happen when Britain gets isolated and Berlin is left facing a Mediterranean bloc, armed with Qualified Majority Voting. It may be too late in the day for Merkel to U-turn, but it will definitely serve to focus minds in Berlin following this episode. But could Cameron hold out hope for Italy and France?

Renegotiating the Stability and Growth Pact seems off the table, and neither French President François Hollande nor Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi are actively calling for changes to the rules. The key is what each country means by 'flexibility'. Renzi wants to exclude a number of 'strategic' investments from EU deficit calculations. Hollande wants more time to cut France's deficit. And Merkel wants things to stay just as they are, because she thinks that the existing rules are flexible enough.

As a result, things may just be squaring up for a stand-off at this week's European Council. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble told ARD yesterday that he opposes any "re-interpretation" of EU fiscal rules, and added:

"More debt only leads to a deepening of the problems instead of solving them."

In an interview with La Repubblica, Italian Europe Minister Sandro Gozi hit back:

"It is for [EU] leaders to discuss a new course for Europe. Therefore, we are not concerned about declarations by this or that minister, even if from an important country."

Meanwhile, Hollande yesterday circulated a paper outlining France's priorities for the new European Commission. The document, seen by Le Monde, calls for "an application of [EU] budgetary rules that favours investment and growth", while taking into account "the reforms undertaken by countries and their economic situation".

However, Merkel doesn't sound prepared to back down. She told the Bundestag this morning:

"[EU fiscal rules offer] clear guard rails and limits on the one hand, and a lot of instruments allowing flexibility on the other. We must use both just as they have been used in the past."

If a vote on Juncker eventually takes place at this week's European Council, Hollande and Renzi will have to abandon their convenient 'priorities first, names later' line and make a clear choice. Then the key question will be: do they think they have been given sufficient guarantees that their requests will be taken on board by the next European Commission? If the answer is 'No', Juncker's candidacy could still be struck down.

It is going to be interesting but it'll take a major turn of events for Juncker to be dropped now.  

Could France and Italy provide Merkel with an excuse to drop Juncker?

The appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as next European Commission President is often boiled down to a stand-off between David Cameron and Angela Merkel. And it looks increasingly likely that there will be a vote on Juncker as early as at next week's summit of EU leaders. He is still the favourite to land the job.

However, Juncker's road to the Berlaymont building is unlikely to be incident-free, and a degree of unpredictability remains.

Over the past few days, France and Italy have made clear that their support for any candidate to the European Commission Presidency is tied to a substantial change in EU economic policies. French Europe Minister Harlem Désir held talks with his Italian counterpart Sandro Gozi in Paris yesterday, to refine a common strategy. Furthermore, France will host a mini-summit of the seven centre-left EU heads of state and government tomorrow, to discuss their priorities for the new European Commission.

The proposal Paris and Rome have been working on is clear: growth-enhancing investments and the cost of structural reforms should no longer count as deficit under EU rules. Merkel has so far resisted the proposal, but Vice-Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel - of the SPD - has come out in support of giving more budget leeway to countries that undertake a wide-reaching reform process.

Unlike Cameron, neither French President François Hollande nor Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi seem to have a personality problem with Juncker. Nor have they openly criticised the principle of Spitzenkandidaten. But there is a chance they could end up on the same side of the debate, although for different reasons.

There are many factors at play here. But if Hollande and Renzi push it too far and make it clear that the price of their support for Juncker is a weakening of the eurozone's fiscal rules, they could provide Merkel with an excuse to drop Juncker, sacrificed on the altar of German budget discipline. That would make such a decision more acceptable to the German public, surely?

France comes under fire in latest European Commission economic assessment

The European Commission has just released its latest round of country-specific recommendations (the Commission’s advice on how the country can boost economic growth and maintain stable public finances).

As with the broader economic state of the eurozone, the recommendations are a bit of a mixed bag. There are some positive assessments of the peripheral countries, but also warning over continuing problems with high debt levels and high unemployment.

We would argue that there is also still too much complacency on the former and not enough urgency on the latter points. Below, we've picked out some of the more interesting points for the big four countries.

FRANCE
The European Commission’s assessment of the French economy is quite damning, given the context of a supposed economic recovery. The Commission says that the “level of detail of the fiscal consolidation measures is insufficient” to ensure France meets its targets and that the economic forecasts used for 2015 are “slightly optimistic” and the planned savings are “very ambitious”.

The Commission also takes aim at areas of the economy which the Socialist government will not be too pleased with, specifically arguing that “sizeable short-term savings cannot be achieved without” curbing health and pension costs through reforms of both sectors. The report also hits out at French labour costs, warning that they reduce “firms’ profitability”, and its ranking in surveys of business environment which has “deteriorated” not least due to regulation which hampers growth of small business in France, the significant number of protected professions and the high overall tax burden.

Therefore, the European Commission calls for action on all these areas. Ultimately, the report does a decent job of highlighting the on-going flaws in the French economy and the lack of strategy displayed by the French government. While it has taken tentative steps towards reform in some areas others fly under the radar while the government does not yet seem to have fully bought into the reforms it has laid out for the coming years.

GERMANY
The recommendations for Germany feel very familiar with early comments regarding its current account surplus. Specifically the report calls on Germany to:

“Improve conditions that further support domestic demand, inter alia by reducing high taxes and social security contributions, especially for low-wage earners.”

However, there is not an extensive discussion and the report focuses on other areas which include some interesting recommendations such as “more ambitious measures to further stimulate competition in the services sector” (something we have long advocated) and “more efficient public investment in infrastructure, education and research”.

ITALY
The European Commission seems to have doubts over Italy’s latest budget forecasts labelling them "slightly optimistic.” “The achievement of the budgetary targets is not fully supported by sufficiently detailed measures, in particular as of 2015”, the Commission continues. This will certainly revive the domestic debate between Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and his critics, who argue that there is not enough money to cover for the tax cuts for workers and businesses recently announced by the Italian government.

On labour market reform it notes, “Globally, the Italian labour market continues to be marked by segmentation and low participation…Therefore, the limited steps taken so far need to be extended.” Here, the recommendation is to “assess the need for additional action” by the end of the year. Another long-running issue in Italy is services liberalisation. According to the Commission, “There are still a number of bottlenecks to competition (reserved areas of activity, concession/authorisation schemes, etc.) in professional services, insurance, fuel distribution, retail and postal services” – and these need to be removed.

Interestingly, the European Commission also notes that “one of the key levers to improve the implementation performance [of Italy]…lies in enhanced coordination and a more efficient allocation of competences among the various levels of government”. This reform is already on Renzi’s radar. Still, we’re not sure how well this specific ‘suggestion’ will go down in Italy, given that it touches on a politically sensitive issue – the distribution of powers between the central government and the regions, which is laid out in the Italian constitution

SPAIN
The European Commission finds Spain’s budgetary forecasts “broadly plausible for 2014 and subject to downside risks in 2015”. However, “for 2016-2017, the GDP growth rate in the [Spanish government’s] programme seem somewhat optimistic.” Similar to Italy, the European Commission’s recommendation to Spain is to “reinforce the budgetary strategy as of 2014, in particular by fully specifying the underlying measures for the year 2015 and beyond.” 

Although the European Commission acknowledges that Spain’s labour market reforms have gone some way in ensuring greater flexibility, limiting job losses and reducing the number of dismissals challenged in court, “Segmentation remains an important challenge for the Spanish labour market, the number of contract types remain high and the gap between severance costs for fixed-term and indefinite contracts remains among the highest in the EU even after the reform.” Furthermore, “the inadequate labour-market relevance of education and training and the high proportion of unemployed without formal qualifications contribute to the high youth unemployment rate, as well as to long term unemployment.” Therefore, the European Commission recommends that the Spanish government “enhance the effectiveness and targeting of active labour market policies, including hiring subsidies” and “reinforce the coordination between labour market and education and training policies.”

Some variance from country to county but a couple of clear themes can be found here. Much more work needs to be done on labour market reform and improving the business climate. On top of this the forecasts continue to be optimistic. Plenty of work to be done on many fronts then.