A few surprises as the new German cabinet takes form

Over the weekend, following the 'yes' vote among the SPD membership, the composition of the new German cabinet was announced – almost 3 months after the election.

Despite, the outcome being broadly known there were a couple of surprises. Below we analyse the key points and personalities.

Jörg Asmussen (left) leaves the ECB board to join the Labour Ministry
This is probably the biggest surprise and could have some knock-on effects. Asmussen has stressed that he has stepped down from the ECB Executive Board to become Deputy Labour Minister (definitely a step down) for purely personal reasons. However, speculation will certainly arise over whether playing the bridge between the ECB and the Bundesbank had taken its toll on him.

The immediate front runner for the post is Sabine Lautenschläger (right), vice-president of the Bundesbank, although her nomination is not guaranteed since it has to be approved by all ECB members and get a (non-binding) endorsement from the European Parliament. If she does take up the post it could create headaches for ECB President Mario Draghi with the Bundesbank well known for its hawkish approach and its (sometimes open) disdain for the current loose ECB monetary policy. It could also be the case that the CDU/CSU only consented to the SPD's Andrea Nahles - who had adopted an aggressively leftist position on the eurozone and German economy during the campaign - becoming the Social and Employment Minister on the condition that Asmussen would be there to push continued structural reforms.

First female defence minister – a successor emerging?
Another surprise was the appointment of Ursula von der Leyen as Defence Minister - the first time the post has been held by a woman. This remains a high profile and tricky position in Germany, with a significant international element. Von der Leyen has already been tipped as a potential successor to Merkel and this post could be the making, or breaking, of her. Either way, it shows Merkel accepts the need to cultivate potential successors, something she has previously avoided by side-lining the careers of those who have sought to take up the mantel. Von der Leyen is an outspoken supporter of European integration so it will be interesting to see if she pushes for more EU resource sharing and/or competence pooling in this area.

SPD Chairman grasps a double edged sword?
In addition to his role as Merkel's deputy, the SPD's Chairman Sigmar Gabriel will head up the newly created post of Economy and Energy Minister – hence his new “Superminister” moniker. This is clearly a high profile role, with Gabriel now in charge of the Energiewende – Germany’s shift away from nuclear and fossil fuels to renewable energy. It provides a great platform for him to launch a campaign for the Chancellery in 2017. That said, the move could also backfire. There are already rumblings in Germany about the cost of energy, a problem which will also increase with the shift to renewable energy. Furthermore, implementing the shift will present numerous problems and Gabriel could become the fall guy for any failures. As for the economy brief, the Finance Ministry has a strong hold over many economic matters and Gabriel could find his hands full with the energy brief.

Rebuilding the Franco-German axis?
As expected the SPD’s Frank-Walter Steinmeier returns as Foreign Minister, who we have noted before has a Francophile streak and has previously shown a willingness to disagree with Merkel. While his impact could be limited due to the Foreign Ministry being side-lined on EU and eurozone issues – now the domain of Merkel and Schäuble – Steinmeier could still work to rebuild the partnership with French President Francois Hollande.

Other notable points include the appointment of Peter Altmaier to head the Chancellery (i.e. become Chief of Staff to Merkel). He has a keen interest and knowledge of the EU, but as previous head of the German arm of the European Federalists, he could provide a further challenge to UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s push for EU reform. The outspoken Hans-Peter Friedrich has been moved from the Interior Ministry to Agriculture, a less high profile post after he took significant flak for his handling of the NSA spying issue. Viewed from London this is a regret as Friedrich took a hard line on the need to reform EU free movement rules to prevent abuse by so-called 'welfare tourism'.

Overall, the CDU holds five ministries, the CSU three and the SPD six. Much has been made in the negotiations about Merkel giving up too much power, but we’d be careful of underestimating her. Given her strong position it’s unlikely she would have given up more than is necessary, and she has maintained hold over the key ministries and the key points of the agenda. There has been some tinkering on the edges of labour policies and spending priorities, but the approach of cutting the deficit and bringing down debt remains vital. Her procedural step by step approach also remains.

One thing that is clear is that the SPD is heavily invested and supportive of this coalition and there can be no chance of them shirking their responsibility. Whether this will prove positive for them at the next election remains to be seen.

This could be huge: Germany’s fledgling coalition considers its own “referendum lock”

As we point out in today’s press summary, the German media is abuzz with reports that a proposal has been tabled in the on-going Grand Coalition talks between the CDU/CSU and SPD on encouraging more "direct democracy" via national referenda, including on the transfer of new powers to the EU. Details remain unclear, but this looks similar to the UK’s own “referendum lock,” which provides for automatic public votes in many (but not all) cases of powers being transferred from Westminster to Brussels. 

Süddeutsche Zeitung reports that a CDU/CSU and SPD working group (lead by the CSU’s incumbent Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich and the SPD’s Thomas Oppermann), has prepared a draft paper, which states that people should "be directly consulted on European policy decisions of special importance” and that this should apply in particular to:

"the accession of new Member States, important competences being transferred to Brussels or Germany’s financial contributions at the EU level - for this, we want to provide nationwide referendums."

The CSU campaigned for the introduction of referenda on important European policy decisions during the election, while the SPD has, in principle, been in favour of direct democracy for some time. While the CDU is somewhat more sceptical, there is still support for this idea within the party's own ranks. Schäuble last year floated the idea of a referendum on a new constitution.

In other word, this could mean referenda on:

• Significant transfers of power from Germany to the EU;
• Future EU enlargements;
• More financial contributions which, presumably, would include any form of transfer union.

If this becomes part of the Coalition agreement it would be hugely significant. Germany, a country historically allergic to referenda, will have one of the strictest regimes with respect to public EU-related votes in Europe. More to the point, as revealed by our own polling, it’s very hard to see how it would be possible to get, say, fiscal transfers voted through by the public (though even without the commitment, changing the German Constitution could require a referendum as per Schäuble's suggestion). Significant transfers of powers could also be blocked by public opposition.

The big difference between this and the UK’s referendum lock is that the German one would also apply to future enlargements. That would be a de facto massive block on a future Turkish accession, for example.

Still far from certain the idea will materialise in the end but it's definitely one to watch.

Like its election, Germany's coalition talks will be dominated by domestic issues

Coalition, coalition, coalition – this is all par for the course in German politics. It’s been almost a month since the BTW13, and the new government has yet to be formed. This is no cause for alarm, of course, Germans like their coalitions, and they understand that they take time to form.

With the Greens now out of talks, Angela Merkel’s CDU/CSU has to try and form a Grand Coalition with the SPD (the most popular choice for government among the public.) The parties  held third-round talks in Berlin yesterday, finally agreeing to enter formal Grand Coalition negotiations. Talks will start next week, subject to approval by an SPD party convention on Sunday.

Merkel's priorities are clear. On Wednesday she laid out her agenda for government as she starts her third-term as Chancellor. They are: ending the eurozone crisis; cutting the costs of Germany’s energiewende (or its move from nuclear to renewable power); dealing with the problem of its ageing population and federal reform of the states.

Although the eurozone crisis is Merkel’s top priority, as we have been arguing for quite some time now, regardless of coalition outcome, the German approach to the eurozone will not change significantly: expect more of the same. The SPD influence may cause some change in style, but not substance. It is unlikely that eurozone policy will feature as the key headline during coalition negotiations.

From a domestic perspective, the focus on demographic challenges is interesting. As we have noted, this is a huge deal for Germany, with its population set to shrink significantly over the coming decades and the pension burden set to jump accordingly. How this is dealt with will play a role in determining for how long Germany retains its current status as the powerhouse of Europe. This is a question that will worry SPD and CDU alike.

Equally important, will be the cost of  Germany's energiewende. A recent report by the FT estimates that that German consumers will have spent over €100bn on subsiding green energy by 2014. The pressure to reform Germany's renewable energy law to lower costs will run across party lines.

Given this, the domestic issues that are bound to dominate coalition talks will be the question of introducing a minimum wage, taxation and spending. Here, the SPD will fight hard for a 'victory'. The party knows that it lost a lot of support the last time it entered into a Grand Coalition with a significantly more powerful CDU/CSU in 2005. And this time around, Merkel’s party is even stronger (it is just a few seats shy of an absolute majority in the Bundestag). Not surprising, that reports emerging from Germany say that the SPD is fighting hard to win the Finance and Labour Ministries over the less-influential Foreign Ministry, (although, this was denied by SPD general secretary Andrea Nahles this morning.)

Although it is unlikely that the CDU/CSU will hand over the Finance Ministry, it will be willing to compromise elsewhere, giving the SPD the 'prize' it is looking for. This could be a compromise on mimumum wage. But it is important to distinguish here (and this is a detail that has not been grasped by some English reports on this issue), that BOTH the CDU/CSU and the SPD are in favour of a minimum wage.The question, then, is what the rate and scope of the wage should be. The SPD favour a statutory (national) minimum wage of €8.50/hr, while the CDU/CSU wants to allow trade unions and employers to negotiate the level individually in each German Bundesland, or state.

As already indicated by CDU-leader Horst Seehofer, he would be inclined to accept the SPD's €8.50 demand under ‘certain conditions’. The caveat being that the SPD demand is OK if it doesn’t cost jobs - given that Germany is already facing some labour shortages this is plausible. Presumably, however, this means that the SPD will have make concessions on other domestic fronts – such as agreeing not to raise taxes further (one of the SPD’s key campaigning platforms) and no further creation of debt. (Like the CDU/CSU, the SPD believes in cleaning-up budgets, but it favours a less-strict austerity schedule.)

So, while the SPD is likely to win the domestic victory it is looking for – it  will not be a huge blow to Merkel’s CDU/CSU, which will be sure to win concessions elsewhere.Compromise in coalition are all part of the course in German politics.

From a wider European angle, however, the coalition talks will be broadly reminiscent of the campaign: domestic issues will supersede.

What's happening in Germany? An update on the coalition negotiations

Which way will Angela Merkel choose?

A quick update on the German coalition government negotiations.

There has been a lot of posturing over the past couple of weeks from all sides about the willingness to do a deal and what is needed to secure one. So far though, things have basically followed our expected timeline with end of November still looking to be the likely date for a final agreement.

A grand coalition still remains the most likely outcome but a CDU/CSU and Green coalition (Black-Green) has increased in likelihood. Below we lay out the key developments in each party’s position:

CDU/CSU:

• Despite being the runaway winner of last month's elections, it has taken a relatively back seat in the recent public discussions (behind closed doors it is obviously leading things).
• Has kept the door open to formal talks with both the SPD and Greens, ensuring that the former knows it has a “serious alternative”. That said, some within the party have expressed unease about a Black-Green coalition, with CSU Chief Horst Seehofer notably saying he “would not hold talks” with them.

SPD:

• Has begun to lay out its terms for joining a coalition, focusing on higher taxes on higher incomes and a national minimum wage. Has also made overtures about renewing its push for a financial transaction tax of some form, possibly linking this to the proposed eurozone bank resolution fund.
• The spokesman of SPD’s conservative wing, Johannes Kahrs, told Die Welt it is “non-negotiable” that “the SPD appoints the Finance Minister”, although speculation over this has now gone quiet and seems unlikely to happen given how keen the CDU/CSU is to hang onto this ministry.
• There is clearly some hesitancy within the SPD however, with many still scarred by the effects of the previous grand coalition in 2009. The party leadership has also promised that any coalition deal will need to be ratified by the full party membership – this adds uncertainty to the negotiations.

Greens:

• Much of the party leadership has stepped down meaning it is in somewhat of a transition phase, with senior politicians divided in terms of their eagerness to conduct negotiations with the CDU/CSU.
• The party would likely want similar agreements to the SPD on tax but also some assurances on support for renewable energy. However, given the change in leadership of the Greens and the shifts in the CDU/CSU’s energy policy, the two parties are now much closer on both of these issues.
• That said, there are plenty of areas of discord, one being immigration and asylum policy, which came to a head in the wake of the Lampedusa tragedy. Interior Minister Hans Pieter Friedrich (CSU) said earlier this week, “It cannot be the responsibility of Germany or the EU to accept all the people who are not as well of as the people here”, and went on to hit out at those immigrants who come to Germany allegedly to only access benefits. Joint leader of the Greens Katrin Göring-Eckardt hit back saying, "The rhetoric of allegedly excessive demands in view of the terrible Lampedusa catastrophe is something we cannot and will not accept”. Some have speculated that the row is in at least in part tactical, so as to provide cover in case the negotiations fail.

As for the timeline from here, the CDU/CSU will hold final informal talks with the SPD and Greens on Monday and Tuesday respectively and will decide at the end of next week who to enter into formal talks with. If it’s the SPD, as seems likely, the party leadership will seek approval from the 'small' party convention on the 20 October, after which formal talks will begin.

Meanwhile, it looks the SPD and Greens have ignored the siren calls of Die Linke to use the three parties' combined parliamentary majority to force through measures such as the minimum wage.

One final interesting point, is that these negotiations are starting to cause tremors in other countries with the Irish Independent running the front page headline this morning, “German parties battle over our corporation tax”. Clearly the lines between national and EU politics are becoming increasingly blurred in the eurozone.