A few surprises as the new German cabinet takes form

Over the weekend, following the 'yes' vote among the SPD membership, the composition of the new German cabinet was announced – almost 3 months after the election.

Despite, the outcome being broadly known there were a couple of surprises. Below we analyse the key points and personalities.

Jörg Asmussen (left) leaves the ECB board to join the Labour Ministry
This is probably the biggest surprise and could have some knock-on effects. Asmussen has stressed that he has stepped down from the ECB Executive Board to become Deputy Labour Minister (definitely a step down) for purely personal reasons. However, speculation will certainly arise over whether playing the bridge between the ECB and the Bundesbank had taken its toll on him.

The immediate front runner for the post is Sabine Lautenschläger (right), vice-president of the Bundesbank, although her nomination is not guaranteed since it has to be approved by all ECB members and get a (non-binding) endorsement from the European Parliament. If she does take up the post it could create headaches for ECB President Mario Draghi with the Bundesbank well known for its hawkish approach and its (sometimes open) disdain for the current loose ECB monetary policy. It could also be the case that the CDU/CSU only consented to the SPD's Andrea Nahles - who had adopted an aggressively leftist position on the eurozone and German economy during the campaign - becoming the Social and Employment Minister on the condition that Asmussen would be there to push continued structural reforms.

First female defence minister – a successor emerging?
Another surprise was the appointment of Ursula von der Leyen as Defence Minister - the first time the post has been held by a woman. This remains a high profile and tricky position in Germany, with a significant international element. Von der Leyen has already been tipped as a potential successor to Merkel and this post could be the making, or breaking, of her. Either way, it shows Merkel accepts the need to cultivate potential successors, something she has previously avoided by side-lining the careers of those who have sought to take up the mantel. Von der Leyen is an outspoken supporter of European integration so it will be interesting to see if she pushes for more EU resource sharing and/or competence pooling in this area.

SPD Chairman grasps a double edged sword?
In addition to his role as Merkel's deputy, the SPD's Chairman Sigmar Gabriel will head up the newly created post of Economy and Energy Minister – hence his new “Superminister” moniker. This is clearly a high profile role, with Gabriel now in charge of the Energiewende – Germany’s shift away from nuclear and fossil fuels to renewable energy. It provides a great platform for him to launch a campaign for the Chancellery in 2017. That said, the move could also backfire. There are already rumblings in Germany about the cost of energy, a problem which will also increase with the shift to renewable energy. Furthermore, implementing the shift will present numerous problems and Gabriel could become the fall guy for any failures. As for the economy brief, the Finance Ministry has a strong hold over many economic matters and Gabriel could find his hands full with the energy brief.

Rebuilding the Franco-German axis?
As expected the SPD’s Frank-Walter Steinmeier returns as Foreign Minister, who we have noted before has a Francophile streak and has previously shown a willingness to disagree with Merkel. While his impact could be limited due to the Foreign Ministry being side-lined on EU and eurozone issues – now the domain of Merkel and Schäuble – Steinmeier could still work to rebuild the partnership with French President Francois Hollande.

Other notable points include the appointment of Peter Altmaier to head the Chancellery (i.e. become Chief of Staff to Merkel). He has a keen interest and knowledge of the EU, but as previous head of the German arm of the European Federalists, he could provide a further challenge to UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s push for EU reform. The outspoken Hans-Peter Friedrich has been moved from the Interior Ministry to Agriculture, a less high profile post after he took significant flak for his handling of the NSA spying issue. Viewed from London this is a regret as Friedrich took a hard line on the need to reform EU free movement rules to prevent abuse by so-called 'welfare tourism'.

Overall, the CDU holds five ministries, the CSU three and the SPD six. Much has been made in the negotiations about Merkel giving up too much power, but we’d be careful of underestimating her. Given her strong position it’s unlikely she would have given up more than is necessary, and she has maintained hold over the key ministries and the key points of the agenda. There has been some tinkering on the edges of labour policies and spending priorities, but the approach of cutting the deficit and bringing down debt remains vital. Her procedural step by step approach also remains.

One thing that is clear is that the SPD is heavily invested and supportive of this coalition and there can be no chance of them shirking their responsibility. Whether this will prove positive for them at the next election remains to be seen.

Like its election, Germany's coalition talks will be dominated by domestic issues

Coalition, coalition, coalition – this is all par for the course in German politics. It’s been almost a month since the BTW13, and the new government has yet to be formed. This is no cause for alarm, of course, Germans like their coalitions, and they understand that they take time to form.

With the Greens now out of talks, Angela Merkel’s CDU/CSU has to try and form a Grand Coalition with the SPD (the most popular choice for government among the public.) The parties  held third-round talks in Berlin yesterday, finally agreeing to enter formal Grand Coalition negotiations. Talks will start next week, subject to approval by an SPD party convention on Sunday.

Merkel's priorities are clear. On Wednesday she laid out her agenda for government as she starts her third-term as Chancellor. They are: ending the eurozone crisis; cutting the costs of Germany’s energiewende (or its move from nuclear to renewable power); dealing with the problem of its ageing population and federal reform of the states.

Although the eurozone crisis is Merkel’s top priority, as we have been arguing for quite some time now, regardless of coalition outcome, the German approach to the eurozone will not change significantly: expect more of the same. The SPD influence may cause some change in style, but not substance. It is unlikely that eurozone policy will feature as the key headline during coalition negotiations.

From a domestic perspective, the focus on demographic challenges is interesting. As we have noted, this is a huge deal for Germany, with its population set to shrink significantly over the coming decades and the pension burden set to jump accordingly. How this is dealt with will play a role in determining for how long Germany retains its current status as the powerhouse of Europe. This is a question that will worry SPD and CDU alike.

Equally important, will be the cost of  Germany's energiewende. A recent report by the FT estimates that that German consumers will have spent over €100bn on subsiding green energy by 2014. The pressure to reform Germany's renewable energy law to lower costs will run across party lines.

Given this, the domestic issues that are bound to dominate coalition talks will be the question of introducing a minimum wage, taxation and spending. Here, the SPD will fight hard for a 'victory'. The party knows that it lost a lot of support the last time it entered into a Grand Coalition with a significantly more powerful CDU/CSU in 2005. And this time around, Merkel’s party is even stronger (it is just a few seats shy of an absolute majority in the Bundestag). Not surprising, that reports emerging from Germany say that the SPD is fighting hard to win the Finance and Labour Ministries over the less-influential Foreign Ministry, (although, this was denied by SPD general secretary Andrea Nahles this morning.)

Although it is unlikely that the CDU/CSU will hand over the Finance Ministry, it will be willing to compromise elsewhere, giving the SPD the 'prize' it is looking for. This could be a compromise on mimumum wage. But it is important to distinguish here (and this is a detail that has not been grasped by some English reports on this issue), that BOTH the CDU/CSU and the SPD are in favour of a minimum wage.The question, then, is what the rate and scope of the wage should be. The SPD favour a statutory (national) minimum wage of €8.50/hr, while the CDU/CSU wants to allow trade unions and employers to negotiate the level individually in each German Bundesland, or state.

As already indicated by CDU-leader Horst Seehofer, he would be inclined to accept the SPD's €8.50 demand under ‘certain conditions’. The caveat being that the SPD demand is OK if it doesn’t cost jobs - given that Germany is already facing some labour shortages this is plausible. Presumably, however, this means that the SPD will have make concessions on other domestic fronts – such as agreeing not to raise taxes further (one of the SPD’s key campaigning platforms) and no further creation of debt. (Like the CDU/CSU, the SPD believes in cleaning-up budgets, but it favours a less-strict austerity schedule.)

So, while the SPD is likely to win the domestic victory it is looking for – it  will not be a huge blow to Merkel’s CDU/CSU, which will be sure to win concessions elsewhere.Compromise in coalition are all part of the course in German politics.

From a wider European angle, however, the coalition talks will be broadly reminiscent of the campaign: domestic issues will supersede.

Open Europe Berlin: One year on

With the first anniversary of the founding of our sister organisation, Open Europe Berlin, fast approaching, it seems an appropriate time to look back at its achievements over its first year. Following an impressive launch in Berlin featuring a keynote speech by former ECB Chief Economist Ottmar Issing, under the expert guidance of its Director, Professor Dr Michael Wohlgemuth, and Deputy-Director, Nora Hesse, OEB has been making waves on the German EU policy scene and beyond. Its influence is sizeable and growing continuously.

Just last week, leading German daily, Die Welt, described OEB as having a growing influence on the German media, and commended it, in particular, for its success in using social media to contribute cutting-edge research and market-orientated concepts to the debate about the future direction of the EU. The piece notes that OEB research and proposals have "even received responses from the European Commission."  In the past 12 months, OEB has become a fixture in both the German and international press, and for many, OEB became the go-to source for information, analysis and comment in the run-up to the German elections, including internationally broadcast interviews with the BBC and Reuters (see here for a compilation of OE and OEB's best #btw13 hits).

OEB research is already proving to be a leading source of analysis on key European issues including EU regulatory policy; banking union; the EU budget and the EU’s current democratic deficit. Research and media commentary aside, it has also managed to secure interviews with important German figures, including the renowned German economist Hans Werner-Sinn, and Bernd Lucke, leader of the anti-euro Alternative für Deutschland party, whose rapid rise has commanded attention around the world. The OEB blog is also a regular source of interesting information and comment, including guest posts from esteemed figures such as former FDP MP Frank Schäffler, Barenberg Chief Economist Holger Schmieding and Charles B. Blankart, an advisor to German Economy Ministry.

Fundamentally, however, Open Europe Berlin has, and will, continue to play an important role in helping to understand the role of Germany in the future of Europe. And as we have been arguing for quite some time, there is great scope for cooperation between the UK and Germany to agree on strategic and systemic changes to the way the EU operates. How this dynamic plays out, will, no doubt, have an important role in shaping the future of the European Union and both countries' places within it.

What's happening in Germany? An update on the coalition negotiations

Which way will Angela Merkel choose?

A quick update on the German coalition government negotiations.

There has been a lot of posturing over the past couple of weeks from all sides about the willingness to do a deal and what is needed to secure one. So far though, things have basically followed our expected timeline with end of November still looking to be the likely date for a final agreement.

A grand coalition still remains the most likely outcome but a CDU/CSU and Green coalition (Black-Green) has increased in likelihood. Below we lay out the key developments in each party’s position:

CDU/CSU:

• Despite being the runaway winner of last month's elections, it has taken a relatively back seat in the recent public discussions (behind closed doors it is obviously leading things).
• Has kept the door open to formal talks with both the SPD and Greens, ensuring that the former knows it has a “serious alternative”. That said, some within the party have expressed unease about a Black-Green coalition, with CSU Chief Horst Seehofer notably saying he “would not hold talks” with them.

SPD:

• Has begun to lay out its terms for joining a coalition, focusing on higher taxes on higher incomes and a national minimum wage. Has also made overtures about renewing its push for a financial transaction tax of some form, possibly linking this to the proposed eurozone bank resolution fund.
• The spokesman of SPD’s conservative wing, Johannes Kahrs, told Die Welt it is “non-negotiable” that “the SPD appoints the Finance Minister”, although speculation over this has now gone quiet and seems unlikely to happen given how keen the CDU/CSU is to hang onto this ministry.
• There is clearly some hesitancy within the SPD however, with many still scarred by the effects of the previous grand coalition in 2009. The party leadership has also promised that any coalition deal will need to be ratified by the full party membership – this adds uncertainty to the negotiations.

Greens:

• Much of the party leadership has stepped down meaning it is in somewhat of a transition phase, with senior politicians divided in terms of their eagerness to conduct negotiations with the CDU/CSU.
• The party would likely want similar agreements to the SPD on tax but also some assurances on support for renewable energy. However, given the change in leadership of the Greens and the shifts in the CDU/CSU’s energy policy, the two parties are now much closer on both of these issues.
• That said, there are plenty of areas of discord, one being immigration and asylum policy, which came to a head in the wake of the Lampedusa tragedy. Interior Minister Hans Pieter Friedrich (CSU) said earlier this week, “It cannot be the responsibility of Germany or the EU to accept all the people who are not as well of as the people here”, and went on to hit out at those immigrants who come to Germany allegedly to only access benefits. Joint leader of the Greens Katrin Göring-Eckardt hit back saying, "The rhetoric of allegedly excessive demands in view of the terrible Lampedusa catastrophe is something we cannot and will not accept”. Some have speculated that the row is in at least in part tactical, so as to provide cover in case the negotiations fail.

As for the timeline from here, the CDU/CSU will hold final informal talks with the SPD and Greens on Monday and Tuesday respectively and will decide at the end of next week who to enter into formal talks with. If it’s the SPD, as seems likely, the party leadership will seek approval from the 'small' party convention on the 20 October, after which formal talks will begin.

Meanwhile, it looks the SPD and Greens have ignored the siren calls of Die Linke to use the three parties' combined parliamentary majority to force through measures such as the minimum wage.

One final interesting point, is that these negotiations are starting to cause tremors in other countries with the Irish Independent running the front page headline this morning, “German parties battle over our corporation tax”. Clearly the lines between national and EU politics are becoming increasingly blurred in the eurozone.

AfD: The party of the youth?

AfD chief Bernd Lucke on the campaign trail

It's barely been half a year since the German anti-euro party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) emerged onto  the political scene (and we were one of the first to flag up the then-unknown party), but its ascent has been rapid.

On Sunday's federal elections,  AfD managed to convince two million Germans to back it. With 4.7% of the final vote, the party just narrowly missed the 5% threshold to enter the Bundestag. Had AfD made it in, it would have had over 30 seats.

Age plays an interesting part in the AfD story. Had the elections been decided by younger voters, AfD would now be preparing to enter parliament. Lead by economist Bernd Lucke, the party won 6%  of  the overall share of votes from those aged between 18 to 24. It won the same amount from those aged between 25 - 44. Support for AfD drops to 5% in the 45-59 group, and to below 3% in the over-60's category.

The 60+ voters are the clear conservative stronghold in Germany, with over 50% of them voting to conserve the status quo with Angela Merkel's CDU/CSU. In short: the younger generations are more likely to vote for Germany's euro-rebels than the older ones. And there is a logic to this: the older voter is more likely to feel the weight of Germany's recent history, therefore, rejecting anything  they may perceive as 'anti-European.'


Now, the interesting dynamic in all this, is, of course, that AfD has been depicted by many commentators as the "Bourgeois protest party;" or as an old and boring "party of professors." But obviously something about it speaks to younger voters.

One of AfD's actual professors, Prof. Dr. Lothar Maier, argued last month he didn't agree with the 'boring AfD' image, saying:

"We have 20,000 members in Germany and there aren't so many professors in Germany. Our membership is coming from all stratas of the population."

Another interesting element to highlight is that AfD won enough votes to take it over the 5% barrier, in all but one of the eastern German states.

The AfD's candidate in Brandenburg, Alexander Gauland, thinks that this is because “people are not so strongly bound to parties in the east”, while another prominent AfD candidate, Konrad Adam, adds: "eastern Germans haven't got bad experiences with experiments." And indeed, if a new currency were introduced in Germany (the AfD argues against the euro), it could be easier for east Germans to stomach: it would be their fourth currency in 25 years.

So what side of the political spectrum does AfD gets its votes from?

Richard Hilmer from leading German pollser Infratest Dimap, explains that “AfD voters come from all political directions,” stressing that the "party of professors" actually received most support from workers. The graph below shows that AfD got its largest share of votes from the FDP and Die Linke, but also a sizeable part from the CDU/CSU and the SPD:

Commenting on his party's future on Phoenix TV, Lucke said: “We need to become more professional for the elections in 2014,  [during] this campaign we had to improvise a lot.”

But it looks like Lucke, (who is yet to decide whether or not he will run in the European elections in May 2014) may enjoy further success. Bear in mind that the threshold to enter the European Parliament is only 3%. In the last European elections in 2009, the CSU and Die Linke got about 2 million votes, resulting in 8 MEP seats. AfD has already shown that it can mobilise such numbers.

Moreover, EU-protest parties (such as UKIP, for example) tend to perform their strongest in European elections. And while this is not to gloss over the considerable differences between UKIP and AfD as parties, this should raise expectations for AfD's showing next year.

It may not have made it into the Bundestag, but we still may have a lot more to hear from AfD.

What are the next steps towards forming a coalition in Germany?

As we noted in this morning’s press summary the back and forth over different coalitions and their terms has begun in Germany. So far however all comments are likely strategic and no serious movement is to be expected in the next days. SPD chairman Sigmar Gabriel already stressed that the process will take "weeks and months".   

There are four key stages which have to take place in the negotiations and the likely timeline for them to be concluded is at least two months. It could well be longer if any of them is delayed since there is no official time limit.

Four stages

(1) ‘Sondierung’ (Informal talks between parties to establish whether there is enough consensus to start official coalition negotiations)
(2) Coalition negotiations
(3) Sign coalition contract
(4) Vote for Chancellor and launch of government

Preliminary schedule

27 September
SPD ‘small’ party convention (comprising SPD leadership + 200 members)
→ will decide whether party leadership gets green light to begin informal talks with CDU/CSU over a Grand coalition (Stage 1)

Early to Mid-October
‘Small’ party convention will reconvene
→ If the informal talks prove productive (stage 1) the party leadership will ask the small convention to give approval for the beginning of official negotiations (stage 2)
→ might defer this decision to the ‘big’ party conference (this would delay the schedule and could mean stage 2 does not begin until mid-November)

14-16 November
SPD ‘big’ party conference
→ If stage 1 & 2 successful, will decide whether coalition agreement will be adopted and thus give way to stage 3
→ Will also provide opportunity to decide issues such as party leadership positions & future ministerial positions

25 November
Bundestag will reconvene
→ Vote for next Chancellor and formal launch of new government

Clearly then, the minimum time for a Grand coalition to be formed and finalised is likely to be around two months. This could of course be different for a coalition with the Greens, although we would imagine not markedly so.

German Elections: The European Reaction

Mixed Reaction in the Med

Spanish daily El Mundo runs with the headline “Merkel, Merkel über alles”, while an article in the paper argues that a Grand Coalition (composed of Merkel's CDU/CSU and the centre-left SPD) “would lead, to a certain extent, to a relaxation of the austerity Merkel imposes on Europe.”

Meanwhile, Spanish Foreign Minister José-Manuel García Margallo went even further with his hopes that new German government would relax the pace of austerity in the eurozone's Southern periphery, telling Cinco Dias that “Eurobonds will come.”  (We disagree with this assessment, read our German election briefing to find out why.)

An editorial in El Pais suggests that the result “validates [Merkel’s] European theses”. Les Echos agrees, arguing that it is “illusory” to expect a Grand Coalition to “fundamentally” shift Berlin’s approach to the eurozone.

In France Les Dernieres Nouvelles D'Alsace argues that the election outcome is "unlucky for France, whose voice does not count anymore, and will only be heard again when the French economy improves". Meanwhile, Le Figaro splashes a beaming Merkel on its front page with the headline, "The Triumph of Merkel," pointing out that a victory like this has not been seen in over half a century.

From Greece - less congratulatory tones. An article in Greek daily Ta Nea carries the headline, “Europe becomes Merkeland after the triumph of the Queen of austerity.”

 Northern Europe congratulates victorious Merkel - but warns of the challenges ahead

A leader in Dutch daily Trouw argues that Merkel was re-elected because of the German public's "reluctance to engage in big adventures." However, it adds that "for Europe, Merkel's victory is good news...Merkel believes in political and monetary entrenchment of her country in Europe - and without Germany the euro is a lost project."

Meanwhile, De Volkskrant quotes an unnamed EU ambassador of a eurozone country saying that the member states are "27 poodles on the leash of Angela Merkel". The newspaper adds: "the Empress herself stresses that she is in favour of a European Germany, and that is undoubtedly true". The paper goes on to criticise Dutch PM Mark Rutte, saying, "Mark wants what empress Angela wants. The German voter has on Sunday decided the European agenda of Mark Rutte".

Belgian centre-left daily Le Soir  takes a consiliatory tone, arguing: "Certainly the Greeks don't like [Merkel]. But what would Greece and the euro today be if she hadn't insisted that the Greeks must tighten the belt before receiving European funds? Who else in the European Council would have managed to keep heads cool when having to listen to the cries on the streets of "Merkel, Hitler"?"

Meanwhile, Politiken from Copenhagen congratulates Merkel, while urging her to take action, saying,“The key is that the German government creates stability and firmly stands behind its support of EU and the euro... It is necessary that the new German government puts itself at the forefront of a European recovery"

Austria's Der Standard reports on Merkel's "middle-direction, mediocrity, " which "gives the Germans soundness and stability." Separately, a piece in the Telegraph argues Merkel's re-election should not lull the Germans into complacency, which could prevent it from making the necessary reforms to fix the underlying structural weaknesses in its economy.

Central Europe: Move forward the debate

Lidové Noviny from Prague takes a more critical view of Merkel's re-election, saying that she has "brought no solutions, and the eurozone remains a risk for the lasting prosperity of Europe." The paper writes that, "It is indeed sad that the euro-sceptic party Alternative für Deutschland has narrowly failed to reach the Bundestag. This would have opened the political debate in Germany. But next year will see elections for the European Parliament and then the AfD could get a breakthrough."

Polish daily Rzeczpospolita says that "a miracle is expected from Merkel: reform the EU to make it attractive for future generations. The new government has to show that it is possible in crisis-torn Europe to combine sound economic policies with growth incentives. The young generation needs a signal that it is not eternally damned to live worse than their fathers and grandfathers."

Varied reactions then as expected. However, there does seem to be a consensus that, for better or worse, Merkel will continue to set the tone and agenda for Europe for some time to come.

As focus shifts to German coalition negotiations, who are the key players to watch?

After a surprisingly manic election night the focus in Germany now shifts to the tricky task of forming a government. As we noted yesterday, many options remain possible. Merkel looks unlikely to gain a majority on her own while the FDP and AfD are certainly out of the Bundestag.

This leaves a Grand Coalition, a CDU/CSU and Greens coalition or (as a very, very longshot) some form of SPD-Greens-Die Linke (Red-Red-Green) coalition or alliance which could still mathematically have a majority.

Little progress is expected before the end of the week, with the SPD holding a small party conference on Friday where it will determine its strategy for the negotiations. SPD Chancellor Candidate Peer Steinbrück has already said that the “ball is now in Merkel’s court”, suggesting he expects her to propose the terms of any Grand Coalition. Meanwhile, Greens leader Jürgen Trittin has said that, while open to negotiations over a coalition with Merkel, the chances of finding an agreement are “extremely limited”.

Who are the key players in the formation of the new government?

Angela Merkel (Chancellor – CDU/CSU): As Chancellor in her third term, Merkel will remain the key power player. Her slow and incremental approach will continue and set the tone for the whole government. Her term will be dominated by questions over her successor – for which there are few candidates. Rumours already abound that she may leave before the end of her term. She will need to identify and groom a successor, however, whether this will erode her own power base remains to be seen. Remains a key ally for Cameron and the key person he needs to convince for his reform agenda.

Wolfgang Schäuble (Finance Minister – CDU/CSU): Likely to remain Finance Minister, strong supporter of Merkel’s incremental approach to the eurozone crisis.

Peer Steinbrück (SPD Chancellor Candidate): Likely to lead the coalition negotiations for the SPD (although this could still change), but won’t take up any ministerial post in a grand coalition. Could well pay the price for the party’s poor electoral showing. 

Sigmar Gabriel (SPD Chairman): Likely to be Vice-Chancellor and take up ministerial post (either labour or defence) under a grand coalition. However, given the bad overall score for the SPD, the existing internal pressure on Gabriel might reach a tipping-point and leave him empty-handed. 

Frank-Walter Steinmeier (Leader of the Opposition in the Bundestag – SPD): Likely to become Foreign Minister under a grand coalition as in he was in 2005 - 2009. Had a reputation for undermining some of Merkel’s foreign policy goals in the previous coalition. Often seen as a Francophile and has previously suggested he believes the UK will leave the EU. Could hamper UK reform effort, although that said, much of the power on European decisions now lies in the Kanzleramt and Finance Ministry. Furthermore, the shift from current incumbent, Guido Westerwelle, may not be huge.

Thomas Oppermann (SPD): Likely to become Interior Minister given his expertise in this field.

Greens leadership: After the Greens slipped to 8.4% (compared to 10.7% in previous elections), a lot of internal movement is going on. The party’s Chief Whip, Volcker Beck, has already announced his resignation while the double party chairmanship, Claudia Roth and Cem Özdemir, offered their resignation this morning.

Both lead candidates, Katrin Göring-Eckar and Jürgen Trittin, seem to be dedicated to stay even though internal party pressure is increasing on the latter. Finally, the leader of the Green parliamentary group, Renate Künast, would need to be considered among the key players in a potential coalition with the CDU/CSU. What ministerial posts they could or would push for is unclear, but one would assume environmental and energy related posts would be top of the list

German election exit polls suggest plenty of scenarios still in play

The first exit polls are in and it looks to be a very close run election. However, not at the top but at the bottom.

ARD: CDU/CSU 42%, SPD 26%, Greens 8%, Die Linke 8.5%, FDP 4.7%, AfD 4.9%. 

ZDF: CDU/CSU 42.5%, SPD 26.5%, Greens 8.0%, Die Linke 8.5%, FDP 4.5%, AfD 4.8%.

Both polls suggest German Chancellor Angela Merkel CDU/CSU is the clear winner. Well above expected. However the results of the others mean there is plenty of scenarios still open. Below we run through them.

Merkel gains her own majority: Unbelievably this could happen. If both AfD and the FDP miss out, with other small parties garnering around 5% of the vote but not entering the Bundestag, Merkel’s party could gain its own majority with around 42%. Currently they look to be around three seats short of this but after having been barely considered during the campaign, this is now a very real scenario.

CDU/CSU and FDP coalition continues: Despite exit polls suggesting FDP has missed out, they are so close to the threshold that they could easily still make it in. If the FDP gets in and the AfD still misses out then the current governing coalition could be maintained.

Grand Coalition: If the FDP and AfD sneak in above the 5% threshold, as is possible, then a grand coalition would likely ensue, albeit with some very complex negotiations. This could also happen if both the FDP and AfD miss out but Merkel fails to garner enough votes for her own majority.

Plenty of scenarios still possible then, even one which was barely considered. Stay tuned as we update this blog and tweet @OpenEurope throughout the evening.

Open Europe predictions for the German election

Despite presenting a ubiquitous front on our blog, our team does often have varying views on the issues we cover. As on twitter, there has been a debate going on within the office about the ins and outs of the German elections - everything from "Veggie Day" to whether the anti-euro AfD will make it into the Bundestag. And, of course, what type of coalition will be formed.

We all agree it will be a close run thing. But below we lay out each of our analysts predictions. Feel free to stick your own in the comments! (Click to enlarge)

Interestingly, it's five to four thinking the AfD will just fall short of the threshold, reflecting what we agree can be a case of AfD being underestimated in the polls. But six to three in terms of backing for a 'Grand Coalition' - which, in aggregate, must be considered a bit of a revision in favour of a grand coalition from what we laid out in our pre-election briefing. There's also one rogue analyst predicting FDP won't get in at all...

The top 10 'spiciest' moments of the German elections

How do we put this delicately...the Germans aren't exactly known for their sense of humour. Equally neither are politicians, other than attracting derisory chuckles at their attempts to seem cool or in touch with the common man. Combine the two and result is often enough to drive large swathes of people to watch the handwork of their decorator dry slowly. 

This round of German elections has been little different, not least because Angela Merkel has actively employed the tactic of trying to bore people into voting for her (see cartoon below). We haven't seen so many references to 'Safe Hands' since David Seaman's auto biography.

Fortunately, there have been a some spicier moments (though we refrain from call them "highlights"), here are the top 10:


The FDP, neo-nazis and a cream cheese discover they have something in common

An awkward moment for the FDP when someone spotted that a stock image of an all-German family used in one of their televised ads also featured in a campaign video for the far-right/neo-Nazi NPD party. Bizarrely, the same family also featured in an advert for a Finnish cream cheese. Unfortunately for the FDP, the moment has not proved as embarassing as being seen as a photocopy of the CDU.

The necklace that won the #tvduel

We all know Germans love gold but this takes the nugget. The only TV debate between Angela Merkel and Peer Steinbrück was considered so dull that it prompted many to proclaim Merkel's fetching patriotic necklace the real winner of the debate, and it quickly gained its own Twitter account with over 8,700 followers to date.

Peer's 'Stinkefinger'

After losing his only televised debate to a necklace, Peer felt the need to take drastic action. But what to do? Well, apparently, if your words aren't working, go 'wordless'. Peer Steinbrück signed up for a 'wordless interview' with Süddeutsche Magazin which ended up receiving widespread coverage in Germany and abroad after he responded to a question by unapologetically flipping the bird. Unfortunately, rather than inspiring the electorate they simply replied in kind...




Lucke's Greek toga party

If you thought Peer's wordless interview was bizarre, wait until you see this. AfD leader (and serious German professor) Bernd Lucke held an interview with German channel Tele 5 on why Greece should leave the euro, during most of which he wore a Greek flag as a toga. He then proceeded to sing a duet with the host, of the AfD's official song to the backing music of Take That's 'Back for good' (a song which Lucke had apparently never heard before). On top of all of this, as some of the papers noted, one of the producers of the show is Greek and proceeded to periodically alter Lucke's voice so that he sounded like Mickey Mouse. A truly bizarre election interview, which is well worth watching even if you don't speak German.

Don't mess with the Currywurst

While pushing for the humane treatment of animals, the Green party ironically managed to shoot themselves in the foot. In an almost inexplicable move, they proposed forcing all public canteens to make one day a week vegetarian day. Unsurprisingly, the suggestion did not go down well in a country famous for loving its meat. “How dare the Greens tell us what to eat!” thundered Germany’s mass circulation Bild newspaper, the day after the proposal was floated. What next? Banning nudism, autobahns or the Hoff...? You simply don't mess with the Currywurst or the Schweinshaxe. The Greens have recently slipped a couple of points in the polls - clearly no coincidence...

Beating the kids at their own game 

The new anti-euro party Alternative für Deutschland was widely derided as a party for old, white and grumpy men or alternatively as the 'Professor party' (if only it was true some would say). The contrast with the young, swinging and tech savvy Pirate party could hardly be greater. However, the AfD has proved it is no slouch when it comes to online campaigning with one of its election campaign videos getting over a million hits, while a Pirate video has received only just over 10,000 views.

Die Partei's whole election campaign

The brilliantly named Partei für Arbeit, Rechtsstaat, Tierschutz, Elitenförderung und basisdemokratische Initiative (Party for Work, Rule-of-Law, Protection of Animals, Advancement of Elites, and Grassroots-Democratic Initiative) - shortened to Die Partei - is a German satirical party akin to the UK's Monster Raving Loony Party, but much funnier. Set up by Martin Sonneborn, editor of the satirical Titanic magazine, its campaign pledges include razing the City of London to the ground and putting Angela Merkel on trial in a cage. Die Partei also released an election video on 'family policy' featuring (pixelated) scenes from an adult film with a soundtrack of "moaning and groaning, accompanied by light-hearted background music".

The hypnotic Chancellor 

We're not sure if it is her or her necklace, but Merkel has certainly lulled the electorate into a state of tepid contentedness. This cartoon perfectly captures the excitement of the CDU's election campaign. Merkel: "You are going to sleep. Everything is good. You are going out to vote..."





A rough ride for AfD

In their misguided attempts to stop the AfD expressing its alleged intolerant views the members of the Green youth decided to physically halt AfD activists from their right to freedom of speech and expression, with no sense of irony. Green with envy of the AfD's media coverage perhaps? In any case, as reported by Spiegel, this is likely to help the anti-euro party's chances, rather then hurt them.

Merkel drones on...

Just when the scandal surrounding the government's bungled purchase of the multi-million euro 'Euro Hawk' surveillance drone was beginning to fade, a CDU event with Angela Merkel and Defence Minister de Maizière in Dresden was interrupted by a miniature drone operated by remote control. The Pirate party claimed responsibility, saying that "The goal was to make Chancellor Merkel and Defence Minister de Maizière realise what it's like to be subjected to drone observation". Judging by the results above maybe they should just make her watch their election video...

David Hasselhof singing on the Berlin wall

Oh, sorry, that was in 1989...maybe it just seems like yesterday since we watch it on a daily basis...

Germany's anti-euro party mobilises non-voters and FDP supporters

Three days ahead of the German election, Germany's anti-euro party, Alternative für Deutschland is polling at 5%, according to the latest INSA Poll.

If AfD actually wins 5% of the vote, it will enter the Bundestag. The poll  has caused a bit of a stir, as most commentators didn't think AfD would make it into parliament.

Now INSA head Hermann Binkert has broken down where the potential AfD voters come from for FAZ:

22% FDP

16% CDU

9% Linke

6% SPD

3% Greens

3% first-time voters

13% other parties

28% non-voters

- It's interesting that the largest share of the AfD vote comes from non-voters, so it has mobilised non-voters in a way that other parties have not been able to.

- The second largest share of the AfD vote comes from FDP supporters. The FDP haven't been doing too well in the polls (currently at 6%), so there is  the outside possibility that the AfD will make it into the Bundestag while the FDP won't.

When it comes to Europe, Germany’s political elite and public are deeply divided

On the question of Europe, there is a painful gap between the German political elite and the public.

As our recent YouGov Deutschland poll on German voters’ sentiments on Europe showed, the German public is overwhelmingly against further financial support for the eurozone, and believes that the next Chancellor should back efforts to devolve powers back to the member states.

Now, German business-publication, Deutsche Wirtschafts Nachrichten, has conducted a similar poll among all 620 members of the German Bundestag. It’s interesting to compare the results:

• Our poll finds that two thirds of Germans reject any eurozone policies that involve putting any more German money on the line: whether it is further loans to the eurocrisis states, debt write downs or debt pooling.
• On the question of joint-liability, DWN finds that two thirds of MPs advocate precisely those measures that are rejected by two-thirds of citizens: bailouts, debt reduction and debt redemption funds.
• Our poll finds that by a margin of two to one (50% in favour, 26% against), the German public thinks the next Chancellor should back efforts to devolve EU powers back to the member states.
• DWN’s poll finds that only 9% of MPs want to devolve power back to the member-states, with 91% saying that more power should go to Brussels.

Unless the German government finds a way to address this imbalance, then it might have a lot more than disgruntled Southern Europeans to deal with post-election.

A subtle shift in German policy on banking union?

With talk of the upcoming German elections dominating over the weekend, a potentially important yet subtle shift for post-German election policy on banking union may have received less coverage than it ought to have.

Reuters reported on Saturday that Germany is working on plans to create a single eurozone bank resolution mechanism (SRM) within the EU framework without the need for changing the EU’s treaties – something the German government had previously insisted was necessary because it deemed the Commission had no legal base for the proposal to give itself the power to order banks to be wound down. Bloomberg followed this up with a report suggesting a tentative agreement had been struck with the Commission which would see the new resolution fund cover only the largest eurozone banks, thereby exempting the German savings banks (and their large pool of deposits).

German Finance Ministry spokesman Martin Kotthaus has since played down any German proposal, but stressed that "very many other member states" have also raised similar concerns to those of Germany.

It remains early days then, with lots of negotiating still to go but this could have important implications for the eurozone and the UK which are worth exploring.

What could this mean for the eurozone?

• As we have noted, Germany essentially had two choices following its stark rebuke of the Commission’s SRM plan – either work within the framework to alter it or propose an intergovernmental alternative (a similar ad-hoc set up to the temporary bailout fund EFSF). Judging from these developments it seems to have gone for the former, on the surface this is positive for the eurozone since any SRM enshrined in EU law will look more lasting and solid.
• That said, the German plan (if there is one) would clearly involve further watering down a mechanism which already looked woefully short of what was needed to help shore up the eurozone banking sector.  The crisis has clearly shown that smaller parts of the banking sector can cause significant problems (see Spanish cajas).
• The Commission is likely to have less responsibility but it remains unclear where the power will lie. Creating a new institution is impossible without treaty change while using existing ones for eurozone-specific tasks creates serious questions about the single market. The fundamental question of who decides to wind down a bank in crisis remains unresolved.
• Even if the above issue is settled, oversight of the banking sector would still look fragmented with many different institutional layers including – national regulators and supervisors, the ECB and the new SRM as well as possibly the ESM. Furthermore, the Council of Ministers, European Parliament and national parliaments will all have a role in decision making and/or accountability.
• Other problems, including the size of any resolution fund, remain – as we have pointed out. Last week’s legal opinion from the Council of Minister's legal service noted that the national budgetary implications of an EU bank resolution mechanism meant that the Commission's proposed legal base might need to be rethought.

What does this mean for the UK and other non-eurozone countries?

• How the SRM is established could well set the tone for future eurozone integration, therefore ensuring it does not alter the dynamic of the EU to serve eurozone ends using a single market legal base is important for both the UK and other non-euro countries.
• That said, a purely intergovernmental legal arrangement, outside the EU treaty, could reduce the UK's ability to influence the outcome still further. The upshot being that there probably needs to be a treaty change to ensure eurozone crisis resolution is kept distinct from and yet compatible with the single market. 
• Despite this latest attempt to avoid treaty change, Finland has also voiced concerns about the legal base for the SRM, while Germany still has concerns about the separation between the single supervisor function and monetary policy at the ECB - suggesting treaty change as solution. So, both are still keen on shoring up the banking union via treaty change in the not too distant future.

Some interesting developments then, but a long way to go yet. In any case the time line for the banking union looks the same with the process being phased in over the coming years to 2018 – far from an immediate solution to the crisis.

Meanwhile, the whole discussion over the extent to which the treaties can be stretched to help solve the eurozone crisis once again reminds us of the inherent tensions and structural flaws in the current eurozone/EU setup. Even if not done through the banking union, this will have to be settled at some point.

How one finger livened-up the German election campaign

Peer Steinbrück, the SPD’s Chancellor Candidate graces the front cover of today’s Süddeutsche Magazine unapologetically flicking the bird.

Here's Steinbrück's picture interview in full, (quick fire questions, with 'wordless answers'):

" You’re called Mishap Peer, Problem Peer, Peerlusconi -- you’ve got no worries about being given nice nicknames?”

"Mr. Steinbrück, you and your wife have been married for 38 years. Your advice on a long and happy marriage?"

"Only 26% would vote currently for the SPD. Is that because of you?"

"The FDP leader Philipp Rösler says you don’t have capabilities to be Chancellor. Do you have a message for him?"

"Do you still wear a vest under your shirt?"

"On  scale of one-10: how good is Angela Merkel as a crisis manager? (1= terrible, 10= expert.)"

"How would you react if the Greens go into coalition with the CDU/CSU after the election due to a lack of alternatives?"

No fundamental change in eurozone policy after the German elections

Today we released an in-depth briefing on the German elections, and their implications on the eurozone. The top line: don’t expect any fundamental change in Germany’s eurozone policy after the elections.

Of the nine proposals being floated to pull the eurozone out of crisis, we expect clear movement in only one or two areas, including the most important but most unclear one: the proposal for a single eurozone resolution authority for banks.

Moreover, Germany is unlikely to depart from its emphasis on ‘sparkpolitik’ or austerity. Any change here will be largely superficial: a continuation of same policies wrapped up differently. This is based on Germany desire to ‘lead by example,’ and the broad support for austerity enjoyed among the German public.

The German insistence on structural reforms, and strong controls on taxation and spending of other eurozone states won’t change either. A government lead by Angela Merkel, could, however, push for a formalised “competitiveness pact” where by struggling eurozone countries commit to reforms  in return for aid.

The question of debt pooling will remain a contentious one  –  with the recent Open Europe/ Open Europe Berlin poll, conducted by YouGov Deutschland, showing that 64% of Germans are opposed to such a step. A debt redemption fund, as has been proposed by the influential Council of Economic Experts that advises the government, may be a possibility – however, this won’t be without opposition.

See our table below (click to enlarge) which breaks down and analyses the key eurozone policy areas on a party-by-party basis, detailing if we can expect to see movement after the elections:

Germany's anti-euro party may still yet make it into the Bundestag

Don’t think the German elections are a done deal – and, in particular, don’t rule out Germany’s anti-euro party, Alternative für Deutschland.

Though Merkel’s CDU/CSU is doing well the polls – as has been noted – her party could still flunk this one. German election surveys are notoriously  unreliable – and in the past, the polling figures for the CDU/CSU in particular, have tended to be higher than the actual election results. The central scenario for the new German government is still definitely a CDU/CSU-FDP coalition. However, a grand coalition of CDU/CSU-SPD is very much on the cards. If the FDP fails to get into the Bundestag, we could even be looking at a SPD-Green coalition – but that’s still unlikely.

The thing to remember is that the share needed to secure a majority in Bundestag isn’t the same as overall support in the polls, as the votes below the 5% threshold  parties need to win seats in the Bundestag will be dropped, while some seats are actually first past the post. So it’s not all that straightforward.

One interesting question, though: will Alternative für Deutschland shock Europe and make it into the Bundestag? A Forsa opinion poll for RTL/Stern today put the party on 4% .

This means we’re very close to a scenario where AfD is in and FDP is out. The assumption so far – including initially from us – was that AfD would struggle to get above 5%. Its window would instead be the European Parliament elections (without 5% threshold and possibly following a series of tough decisions in the Eurozone). However, we’re not confident of that any longer. Before the Italian elections, we predicted that Beppe Grillo’s (at least semi anti-euro) Five Star Movement would do better than many assumed. Deja Vu?

Possibly.

First, there are a huge number of swing voters swirling around Germany – over 30 per cent are undecided according to some polls, with one recent one even claiming 72 per cent. We literally have no idea where all these votes will go, but they could prove favourable for AfD. They could, of course, also go against the party.

Secondly, polls can easily underestimate the strength of  a new, protest party – as in the case of Grillo. Online polls tend to put AfD higher than polls conducted over the phone, suggesting that voters are still embarrassed to actually admit publicly, and to pollsters, that they'll vote AfD. German polls aren’t actually that great at predicting outcomes, for various reasons.

Now, AfD won’t do a Grillo  - who absolutely exploded onto the scene. However, a lot more sensational things have happened in politics than AfD landing a spot in the Bundestag.

We won’t call this one either way.

Merkel's necklace aside, who won yesterday's German election debate?

Some 17 million Germans – and, we dare to say, a record number of keen international analysts - tuned in yesterday to watch the first and last televised debate between Angela Merkel and SPD contender Peer Steinbrück, ahead of the country’s elections on 22 September.

The debate only briefly touched on the Eurozone crisis and EU policy, with Steinbrück criticising Merkel’s policy over Greece in particular. Though some Anglo-Saxon commentators have written this up as the SPD candidate “criticising austerity” , in fact, he was more criticising the pace of austerity and its balance with more 'growth orientated' policies – not austerity itself.

As we've argued before, you just don’t criticise Sparpolitik in Germany – next to plagiarism, this is the best way to end a mainstream political career. Steinbrück did, however, criticise the pace and scale of Merkel’s austerity policies, again repeating his calls for an as yet very vague new “Marshal Plan” for Europe. “There must be budget consolidation”, he said, but must not be “a deadly dose”. Merkel hit back, saying that if, as Steinbrück claims, the need for a third Greek bailout is a sign of her Eurozone policies failing, why did he and his party vote in favour of all the bailouts so far?

So who won the debate?

The view in the German media and commentariat seems to be pretty unanimous that though the debate itself was pretty much a draw, it involved a bit of a boost for Steinbrück – which wasn't entirely unexpected, given that the man started from an exceptionally low base.

Germany: FGW poll: opinion of Merkel unchanged for 76% of viewers, 14% have a better opinion, 10% a worse one. Steinbrück: 47% 44% 9% #btw13
— electionista (@electionista) September 2, 2013

Snap post-debate polls also suggested a draw, with one putting Steinbrück in the lead (49% to 44%), and two others putting Merkel ahead (40% to 33% and 44% to 43% respectively). A fourth poll put both candidates on 50%.

However, Steinbrück did see a boost to his head-to-head ratings. An ARD poll (see below) has a massive swing in favour of Steinbrück on the question: who would you vote for if the Chancellor could be elected directly?















AnFG Wahlen poll for ZDF shows a much smaller swing for Steinbruck – but still a clear swing.

However, the real winner of the debate, according to many, was Merkel's fetching patriotic necklace, which has now has its own twitter account with over 6,000 followers.

Greece almost as worried about a third bailout as Germany...

As a follow up to our earlier post on the German reaction to the revelation of a third Greek bailout, we thought that it was also worth noting that there has been a fairly strong reaction in Greece as well.

As we suggested yesterday, the outrage over a third Greek bailout was unlikely to be confined to Germany, with the Greek themselves coming round to the cold realisation that this could mean many more years under tough bailout conditions. Many of the papers ran headlines expressing as much, with some including some rather ominous pictures of Schäuble…

“Schaueble is threatening us with new help.” (Sytakton, 21.08.13)

“Greece in German urns.” (Ta Nea, 21.08.13)

“Chains with new credit and saving programmes.” (Syriza, opposition party, 21.08.13)

How much more austerity Greece is willing and able to stomach will surely be a big factor in any discussion on future aid. The one saving grace may be that this bailout, whatever form it takes, is likely to be significantly smaller than the previous two, potentially allowing for more flexibility.

That said, as long as Greek debt continues to look inherently unsustainable any easing of conditions may be just a pipe dream. With both sides already expressing concerns over the project, expect another fiery set of negotiations towards the end of this year.

German parties scramble as third Greek bailout drops into the election campaign

The parties scramble on Greece in the election campaign

As we discussed yesterday, Germany has finally owned up to what everyone already knew – Greece needs more help. Not exactly ground breaking news some might say, but given that the German federal elections are 4 weeks away, the response in Germany has been frantic – providing a bit more insight into how each party views the eurozone crisis.

CDU
German Chancellor Angela Merkel said yesterday:

“I cannot say today what amount would possibly be needed…I cannot put forward a number, or confirm one. I don't know. One cannot know…We can only decide in the middle of next year." 

“I have to say I am a little surprised. Each Member of Parliament has all materials [relating to Greece.] And that, what [German Finance Minister Wolfgang] Schäuble said yesterday about Greece, everyone already knew that.”

Since Schäuble let the cat out of the bag a few days ago, the government, (via numerous politicians and spokespeople) has been tirelessly trying to display the comments as being in line with existing party policy. It has also tried to dispel the discussion altogether, suggesting no decision will be taken until mid-2014.

SPD
As expected in an election campaign, the opposition has jumped on the slip up. In an interview with Osnabrücker Zeitung, SPD Chancellor Candidate Peer Steinbrück said:

“I say clearly that saving Europe and the cohesion of the continent will cost something, also us Germans. It is time that Mrs Merkel tells that honestly to the people.”

In an interview with Handelsblatt, SPD Chairman Sigmar Gabriel said:

“[This] is the difference between the Chancellor and the SPD. Mrs Merkel says Germany will not go into a debt-union. In reality, the Chancellor has already long-organised such debt union secretly via the ECB. Mr Draghi has taken over state financing in the crisis states. But even before the election, the bill is going to arrive, in that Greece will guaranteed apply for another debt haircut.”

Former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder also made his first foray into the election, telling a party rally:

“It is a big lie that Germany will not have to pay for Europe.”

For all the SPD's attempts to push the CDU into admitting that the eurozone will need further aid, it still isn’t entirely clear what the SPD sees as the solution to the eurozone crisis. This has hampered its attempts to take advantage of the situation. It’s also telling that interventions by SPD party 'big beasts' seem to make Chancellor candidate Steinbrück look timid and uninspiring -- rather than helping him.

CSU
The Bavarian sister party of the CDU has been notoriously pessimistic over the eurozone crisis and is, expectedly, none too happy about the timing and the substance of the admission that Greece needs more aid.

CSU leader and President of Barvaria, Horst Seehofer said that a new aid package for Greece "is not in question," and that he is "not very happy," with the current discussion. Meanwhile, Bavarian Finance Minister Markus Soeder warned that:

“It was completely wrong to announce a third programme [for Greece] now.”

ECB
The ECB has offered veiled support to the German government. ECB Executive Board member Jörg Asmussen, who was visiting Athens yesterday, said that the plan remained to assess Greece’s situation once it registers an annual primary budget surplus -- likely at the end of this year.

Meanwhile, Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann commented that, “Nobody here [in Germany] longs for the D-Mark…We are fighting for a stable euro,” playing down fears this could revive talk of a eurozone break up.

Other parties have weighed in as well, with Alternative für Deutschland and Die Linke slamming the prospect of any further bailouts as expected. This incident could potentially help increase their share of the vote, although it may well come at the expense of the junior coalition partner, the FDP, which has been fairly quiet throughout this episode – that of course could make creating a governing coalition a bit trickier.

Despite the CDU's attempts then, this issue seems here to stay, although it is unlikely to have a significant bearing on the outcome of the election.

That said, it doesn't paint a rosy picture for the German approach to the eurozone crisis after the election. Those expecting huge change are likely to be dissapointed. Another bailout simply suggests more of the same. Meanwhile, all parties seem short of any real policies for how to change the current approach and/or find a real solution to the eurozone's economic woes.